scholarly journals Deploying Ecological Countermeasures as a Biosecurity Imperative

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Reaser ◽  
Gary M. Tabor ◽  
Rohit A. Chitale ◽  
Peter Hudson ◽  
Raina Plowright

The COVID-19 pandemic has brought biosecurity to the forefront of national security policy. Land use change is a fundamental driver of zoonotic disease outbreaks, yet substantial study is yet required to unravel the mechanisms by which land use-induced spillover operates. Ecological degradation may be the 21st Century’s most overlooked security threat. Within the biosecurity context, we introduce ecological countermeasures as highly targeted, landscape-based interventions aimed at arresting one or more of the components of land use-induced spillover, the chain of biological events that facilitate large-scale outbreaks of diseases transmitted between wildlife and people. We provide case studies of ecological countermeasures of particular interest to the US Department of Defense, broadly discuss countermeasures in the defense and health sectors, and provide an overview of recent US policy decisions related to health security in order to underscore the need for greater attention to ecological resilience as our best defense against future pandemics.

Author(s):  
Y. Selyanin

The US Government has initiated a large-scale activity on artificial intelligence (AI) development and implementation. Numerous departments and agencies including the Pentagon, intelligence community and citizen agencies take part in these efforts. Some of them are responsible for technology, materials and standards development. Others are customers of AI. State AI efforts receive significant budget funding. Moreover, Department of Defense costs on AI are comparable with the whole non-defense funding. American world-leading IT companies support state departments and agencies in organizing AI technologies development and implementation. The USA's highest military and political leadership supports such efforts. Congress provides significant requested funding. However leading specialists criticize the state's approach to creating and implementing AI. Firstly, they consider authorized assignments as not sufficient. Secondly, even this funding is used ineffectively. Therefore Congress created National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence (NSCAI) in 2018 for identifying problems in the AI area and developing solutions. This article looks at the stakeholders and participants of the state AI efforts, the budget funding authorization, the major existing problems and the NSCAI conclusions regarding the necessary AI funding in FYs 2021-2032.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 94-103
Author(s):  
Rubina Ali ◽  
Inamullah Jan ◽  
Muhammad Shoaib Malik

Bioterrorism fear increases after the deliberate release of biological agents at the end of the twentieth century. Letters containing anthrax powder were posted through the U.S. postal system which produces fear among the population. The anthrax assaults after 9/11 made the nation conscious that the public health system is ill-prepared to administer a large-scale emergency. Bioterrorism issue is associated with the deliberate spreading of dangerous diseases thus how comprehensive bioterrorism prevention measures should be taken. Hence, the emergence of bioterrorism has enforced the US administration to transform its national security policy against nontraditional threats. The article shows how bioterror remains a credible threat and poses substantial challenges to the U.S. public health system. Additionally, analysis reveals how resilient public health infrastructure is dominant not only to shielding and enhancing the publics health security but also crucial for the nations security.


Author(s):  
Sir Richard Dearlove

This article discusses the changing perceptions on national security and civic anxiety. During the Cold War and its aftermath, security was rather a simple and straightforward issue. The countries knew their enemies, where they are and the threats they presented. On the event that, the enemies's secrets were unknown, probing techniques were employed to determine the weaknesses of the enemy. This formulaic situation which seeped through in to the twenty-first century left little room for innovation. In fact, in some countries, security maintained at the Cold War levels despite criticisms that new and emerging national security threats should be addressed at a new level. Of the powerful nations, America maintained the role of a world policeman and adapted its national security priorities according to its perception of a new series of strategic threats; however these new security strategies were without a sense of urgency. However, the perception of global threats and national security radically changed in the event of the 9/11 attack. The sleeping national security priorities of America came to a full force which affected the national security priorities of other nations as well. In the twenty-first globalized world, no conflict remains a regional clash. The reverberations of the Russian military action in Georgia, the Israeli intervention in Gaza, and the results of the attacks in Mumbai resonates loudly and rapidly through the wider international security system. While today, nations continue to seek new methods for addressing new security threats, the paradox of the national security policy is that nation-states have lost their exclusive grip of their own security at a time when the private citizens are assailed by increased fears for their own security and demand a more enhanced safety from the state. Nation-states have been much safer from large-scale violence, however there exists a strong sense of anxiety about the lack of security in the face of multiplicity of threats. Nations have been largely dependent on international coordinated action to achieve their important national security objectives. National policies and security theory lack precision. In addition, the internationalization of national security has eroded the distinction between domestic and foreign security. These blurring lines suggest that the understanding of national security is still at the height of transformations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Ieva Karpavičiūtė

Abstract The paper addresses the security threat perception and securitization of existential threats in Lithuania. It focuses upon the securitization theory and its ability to explain the change of national security agendas as affected by the changes in national identity and existential security threats. It takes into account the internal and external factors that are shaping the objective and subjective national threat perception. The paper applies O. Waever’s securitization theory with an aim to explain how the national security threats are being addressed and perceived in Lithuania. Moreover, the paper is developed against the backdrop of the most recent developments in securitization theory and evolution of its theoretical perceptions of identity, existential threats, and legitimacy. It also discusses the possibility of inclusion of hybrid security threats into an analysis of securitization. The empirical part of the article assesses the most recent security challenges, provides evaluation of changes in national security perception, and portrays the dynamics of national security threats as defined in the National Security Strategies and the Military Doctrine. The paper focuses upon the most recent dynamics in security policy of Lithuania. It also takes into account the hybrid nature of security threats and the reaction to hybrid security elements such as: cyber security, information security, and international terrorism.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Geja Sharma Wagle

National unity and independence, territorial integrity, people's sovereignty and national security are the supreme priority for any sovereign and independent country across the world. The essence of national unity and security is the most important and highly sensitive issue for Nepal in account of its geopolitical sensitivities and geostrategic balance as Nepal is located between two giant nuclear countries and rising global powers – India and China. Analyzing the national interests and national security policy of all three countries – India, China and the US, it is open secret that they have direct strategic, defense and security interests in Nepal. They, therefore, have strategic rivalry to extend their political, diplomatic, economic, strategic, defense and security and cultural influence in Nepal because of its geopolitical importance and geostrategic sensitivity. The emerging triangular strategic rivalry may undermine Nepal’s national interests and national security in the future as their rivalry gets intensified. It is a grave situation for Nepal which will have significant immediate as well as long-term implications. Nepal, therefore, should thoughtfully study to analyze the emerging global powers’ defense, military, security and foreign policies and strategies and should protect and preserve Nepal’s national interests and national security maintaining diplomatic and strategic balance among them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-213
Author(s):  
Dragan Simic ◽  
Dragan Zivojinovic

The paper deals with the foreign and security policy of the United States of America during the first hundred days of the Biden administration. Ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt?s first term, the presidential performance at the beginning of the administration has been measured by the first hundred days of a president?s term. The most important intentions about what is to be achieved, the selection of the team, key appointments, and the establishment of the National Security Council System, the most important speeches, and concrete moves towards regional and functional issues, say a lot about what the foreign and security policy of an administration will look like. President Joe Biden is no exception. Moreover, his insistence that the circumstances in which the United States finds itself are a truly ?Rooseveltian moment? contributed to the first hundred days of his administration being monitored with special attention. The authors start from the hypothesis that Biden, owing to his experience in government and a good reading of the circumstances in which America and the world find themselves, established a good and functional national security system as well as a clear list of foreign policy priorities. He, like Franklin Delano Roosevelt, found the appropriate balance between values and interests, means and goals, pragmatism and principle. The authors conclude that, although the first steps are promising, it remains to be seen whether Biden will reach the highest standards set by his famous predecessor, especially in the face of some unforeseen and unexpected events.


Author(s):  
A. Savel'ev

The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific which was declared by President Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The United States are mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to transfer its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand fare beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given, such as: aggressive way of resolving its maritime disputes with neighbors; rejection of multilateral approach to such problems; China’s “cyber-activities” in the field of large scale cyber-espionage; military modernization aimed to limit the US free access to the region; the development of advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons and military cyberspace capabilities. The article also analyses the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration, including the position of the US Treasury, State Department and Defense Department. The author comes to a conclusion that a number of serious limitations and difficulties exist on the way of the US security interests promotion into the region. As for the position of Russian Federation, it is suggested that Russia can become one of important participants in resolution of security problems in the region. At the same time possible benefits may be gained if Russia managed to preserve the “equal distance” from the main players in the region – China and the US. But if the situation demands to make a clear choice, Russia will most probably take the Chinese side, regarding the present state of the US-Russian relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110038
Author(s):  
Simone Tulumello ◽  
Roberto Falanga

This article takes steps from the birth and consolidation of “homeland” as the central discursive engine of the US national security enterprise; and takes issue with the dominant scholarly interpretation of the geographical and spatial implications of its emergence in terms of the dissolution of space and spatialization in security policy ( Bialasiewicz et al., 2007 : 416). We adopt a multi-scalar approach to exploring security discourse/practice, comparing the performativity of national and global security with the local practice/discourse of public safety—with empirical focus on the case of Memphis (TN). Our main arguments are that the homeland builds on the same performative elements of the emergence and consolidation of a certain conception of “community”, as it has become dominant in public safety policymaking at the local scale; and that the homeland/community performativity is the expression of a never-ending movement of production of multi-scalar geographies of the “good” and “evil”, made of the coexistence of centrifugal (pushing problems away) and centripetal (incorporating any given outside) dimensions.


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