Niemiecka polityka okupacyjna na Litwie w latach 1941–1944. Podsumowanie

2017 ◽  
pp. 80-109
Author(s):  
Christoph Dieckmann
Keyword(s):  
Multiple Perspectives ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Political Groups

The article regards German Occupation Policy in Lithuania 1941–1944. The author integrates the context of war and warfare – with their needs for mobilization, stability, food and labor – into the picture. He clearly shows how each of these fields of politics was coined by antisemitism, which was central for all Nazi policies. The author integrates multiple perspectives of perpetrators, bystanders and victims as well, emphasizing specific Lithuanian political programs, which enabled certain Lithuanian political groups to join partly national-socialist policy.

scholarly journals Neither Hitler nor Quisling: The Ragnarok Circle and Oppositional National Socialism in Norway

Fascism ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-133
Author(s):  
Terje Emberland
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Active Resistance ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Winter War

From 1935 to 1945, Ragnarok was the most radical national socialist publication in Norway. The Ragnarok Circle regarded themselves as representatives of a genuine National Socialism, deeply rooted in Norwegian soil and intrinsically connected to specific virtues inherent in the ancient Norse race. This combination of Germanic racialism, neo-paganism, and the cult of the ‘Norwegian tribe’, led them to criticize not only all half-hearted imitators of National Socialism within Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling, but also Hitler’s Germany when its politics were deemed to be in violation of National Socialist principles. In Germany they sought ideological allies within the Deutsche Glaubensbewegung before the war, and the ss during the war. But their peculiar version of National Socialism eventually led to open conflict with Nazi Germany, first during the Finnish Winter War and then in 1943, when several members of the Ragnarok Circle planned active resistance to Quisling and the German occupation regime.

scholarly journals Den første ‘grænseredder’: Ejnar Vaaben og den berlinske linie

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Lauridsen
Keyword(s):  
Close Contact ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation

John T. Lauridsen: The first “border saver”. Ejnar Vaaben and the Berlin Line.   Ejnar Vaaben was a Danish Nazi at a relatively early point in time and established contacts with the prototype of the NSDAP (the National Socialist German Workers’ Party) and some of its leaders in Germany before Hitler took power in January 1933. These contacts were of such significance at the time, and later, that Vaaben attributed to himself the honour of having led the German Nazis to maintain the Danish-German border as it was. According to him, he also attempted to work for a change of the border in Denmark’s favour. The article examines the limited material on Vaaben’s presumed border-change activities and alleged close contact with, and influence on, the Nazi leaders, just as his later efforts during the German occupation are viewed in this light, since his memoirs, written later, are compared with material from the same period. The conclusion drawn is that this was a self-centred, self-aggrandising assessment on the part of Vaaben, masking the attempt of an insignificant political fantasist and traitor to earn a place in Danish history.  

scholarly journals Balancing between dissent and conformity: Estonian self-administration under German occupation, 1941–1944

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Kari Alenius
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Administration ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
National Interests ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Local Residents

When Germany attacked the Soviet Union in the summer of 1941, it also conquered the territory of Estonia by the end of the year. The German occupation administration of the new territories ruled by the Germans needed the help of local residents everywhere. For this purpose, a semi-autonomous (or quasi-autonomous) Estonian Self-Administration was established. Similar administrative bodies were established in Latvia, Lithuania and Belarus as well. Based on previous studies, it is known that the Estonian Self-Administration worked closely with the German occupation administration. Thus, it is partially responsible for crimes committed in the name of the national socialist ideology in Estonia. It is clear that the Estonian members of the organization were German-minded and at least accepted the German rule for the time being. Otherwise, they would not have been able to join the Self-Administration. However, in previous studies, little attention has been paid to how Estonians tried to balance the interests of Germany and Estonia. Based on the preserved archival material, it seems that the Estonian actors also tried to promote the national interests of the Estonians while cooperating with the Germans and working for them. The article is mainly based on the materials of the German Security Police and other German and Estonian archival material. In addition, the presentation analyzes how the Estonians who worked in the organization later described their wartime activities in their memoirs.

Forging Germans under Germany

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-162
Author(s):  
Caroline Mezger
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Oral History ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Minority Leadership ◽  
German Children ◽  
Oral History Interviews ◽  
The Church ◽  
Wartime Experience

Chapter 3 is dedicated to the German occupation of the Western Banat during World War II. Employing archival and press sources from Germany and Serbia, as well as original oral history interviews, it explores the interplay between Reich-German and local Donauschwaben authorities in shaping institutions that would profoundly affect ethnic German children and young people’s wartime experience and conceptualizations of “Germanness”: the National Socialist Volksgruppenführung (minority leadership), the German-language school, and the Church. As the chapter shows, experiences of violence, the Nazi takeover of virtually all local ethnic German organizations, and the disappearance of any official religious alternatives caused an at least public equation of “German” with “National Socialist”—a definition which would be promoted, ignored, and resisted by individual youth.

scholarly journals NARRATIVES OF DECLINE IN THE DUTCH NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT, 1931–1945

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATHANIËL KUNKELER
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Political History ◽  
Dutch Republic ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Contemporary State ◽  
Political Message ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
Ideological Difference

AbstractGeneric fascism scholarship, which has turned strongly towards cultural political history in recent years, has focused heavily on themes of rebirth in fascist culture, but rebirth's counterpart of decline remains under-researched. After emphasizing the existence of several distinct and even mutually exclusive ideological strands in the NSB, this article shows how ideological difference was marked by narratives of decline. But they were equally used to generate a coherent political message about the contemporary state of the Netherlands. Central to their functionality as a unifying tool was party newspaper Volk en Vaderland, which served to promote a patriotic, news-focused, and peculiarly Dutch narrative of decline that overarched ideological difference. Yet more than just tying ends together, one narrative in particular served as a crucial ideological constant in the Movement, namely the Leider Anton Mussert's narrative of decline since the early modern Golden Age of the Dutch Republic, which tied traditional liberal patriotic themes into fascist discourse. Where other historians have emphasized Mussert's lack of moral and ideological leadership, the article impresses how narratives of decline functioned as moral support, and rallied NSB loyalists throughout the German occupation of the Netherlands, until Mussert's own death.

scholarly journals The Sexual Policies and Sexual Realities of the German Occupiers in Poland in the Second World War

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAREN RÖGER
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Gender History ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
History Of ◽  
Sexual Contacts ◽  
Second World

AbstractSexual policies were a core component of the National Socialist racial policies, both in the Altreich (territories considered part of Nazi Germany before 1938), as well as in the occupied territories. In occupied Poland the Germans imposed a ‘prohibition of contact’ (Umgangsverbot) with the local Polish population, a restriction that covered both social as well as sexual encounters. But this model of absolute racial segregation was never truly implemented. This paper attempts to show that there existed a wide range of sexual contacts between the occupiers and the local inhabitants, with the focus here being on consensual and forced contacts (sexual violence) as seen against the backdrop of National Socialist policies. This article positions itself at the intersection of the history of everyday life (Alltagsgeschichte), the history of sexuality and the gender history of the German occupation of Poland – perspectives that have rarely been used with regard to this region.

scholarly journals Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts: Anti-German National Socialism in a Fascistogenic Milieu

Fascism ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-193
Author(s):  
Matthew Kott
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Essential Element ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Apparent Paradox ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Socialist Movement

Aside from equating it with Hitlerism, there have been few scholarly attempts to define national socialism and specify its relation to the broader category of fascism. This article posits that national socialisms are a sub-genus of fascism, where the distinguishing feature is an ultaranationalism based on a palingenetic völkisch racism, of which anti-Semitism is an essential element. Thus, national socialism is not just mimetic Hitlerism, as Hitler is not even necessary. National socialist movements may even conceivably be opposed to the goals and actions of Hitlerism. To test this definition, the case of Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts [Thunder Cross] movement is analysed. Based on an analysis of its ideology, Pērkonkrusts is a national socialist movement with a völkisch racialist worldview, while also being essentially anti-German. The case study even addresses the apparent paradox that Pērkonkrusts both collaborated in the Holocaust, and engaged in resistance against the German occupation regime.

scholarly journals Mellom modernisering og nazifisering: kinodrift i Norge 1940–1946

Nordlit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas V. H. Hagen
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Media History ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Civil Resistance ◽  
Everyday Resistance ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
Political Replacement

Kinodriften i Norge 1940–1945 var preget av nye politiske omstendigheter. I artikkelen utforskes spørsmålet om hvordan kinobransjens autonomi ble påvirket av den tyske okkupasjonen og NS’ forsøk på å gjennomføre nasjonalsosialistisk revolusjon. Arbeidshverdagen i kinobransjen ble sterkt påvirket av politiske utskiftninger og innføringen av nye institusjoner som hadde til hensikt å gjennomføre en omfattende reorganisering av hele film- og kinofeltet.Ideologisk påtrykk og politisk press fra tyske og norske aktører rundt programoppsetningen var et særtrekk. Krigssituasjonen skapte også generelt en del praktiske utfordringer. Det var likevel ikke slik at presset og hindringene for normal kinodrift var konstant eller like stort overalt. Artikkelen viser hvordan kinoene i Norge ble påvirket og rammet forskjellig, blant annet ut fra hva slags type kino det var snakk om.Ettersom kinoene ble forsøkt brukt som propagandakanal for den tyske okkupanten og NS, ble kinoene også et sted for «demonstrasjoner». Både tyske og norske myndigheter var klar over sprengkraften som lå i denne formen for hverdagsmotstand, og forsøkte å forebygge gjennom ulike tiltak.Dette førte til at de kinoansatte befant seg i et krysspress. Ved noen kinoer valgte ledelsen frivillig samarbeid med de nye kinomyndighetene. Ved andre kinoer valgte ledelsen en motstandsholdning. Men ved de aller fleste kinoene ble det staket ut en tilpasningskurs.Statens filmdirektorat hadde høye ambisjoner om total omlegging av det norske kinosystemet. Dette handlet ikke bare om ideologisk betingede målsetninger, men også om bransjespesifikk reformpolitikk. Artikkelen foreslår å se okkupasjonsperioden ikke som en parentes eller som en unntaksperiode i norsk film- og kinohistorie, men understreker kontinuitetstrekk mellom perioden før, under og etter andre verdenskrig. NS’ utskjelte film- og kinopolitikk la på mange områder grunnlaget for politikken på dette feltet etter 1945. Cinema in Norway from 1940 to 1945 was characterized by new political circumstances. This article explores the question of how the autonomy of the cinema industry was influenced by the German occupation and the attempt of Nasjonal Samling (NS) to implement a national socialist revolution. Cinemas were heavily influenced by political replacement of key personnel and the introduction of new institutions intended to undertake a comprehensive reorganization of the entire film and cinema field.Ideological pressure and political pressure from German officers and Norwegian officials and propagandists, was a distinctive feature. However, the political pressure and the practical obstacles were neither constant nor similar across the country. The article shows how different types of cinemas in Norway were affected in different ways.As cinema was used as a propaganda vehicle for the German occupier and NS, the cinemas also became a place of everyday resistance and organized civil resistance. “Demonstrations" in the cinemas were widespread.The cinema staff were in the line of fire, between intersecting demands, interests and expectations. At some cinemas, the management chose eager cooperation with the new cinema authorities. At other cinemas, the management chose resistance. However, most cinemas adapted professionally to the new laws of cinema politics.The Norwegian Film Directorate had high ambitions for a total restructuring of the Norwegian cinema system. This was not just about ideologically determined goals, but also about reform policies. The article suggests that the occupation period was neither a parenthesis nor an exceptional case in Norwegian media history, and accentuates several features of continuity before, during and after the occupation years. The scorned film and cinema politics advocated by the new regime during the occupation laid the foundation for government policy in the same areas after 1945.

Multiple Perspectives on the Barriers to Identification and Management of Pediatric Voice Disorders

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Jana Childes ◽  
Alissa Acker ◽  
Dana Collins
Keyword(s):  
Academic Success ◽  
Voice Disorders ◽  
School Personnel ◽  
Voice Disorder ◽  
Multiple Perspectives ◽  
Vocal Qualities ◽  
High Prevalence ◽  
Pediatric Populations ◽  
Low Incidence ◽  
University Settings

Pediatric voice disorders are typically a low-incidence population in the average caseload of clinicians working within school and general clinic settings. This occurs despite evidence of a fairly high prevalence of childhood voice disorders and the multiple impacts the voice disorder may have on a child's social development, the perception of the child by others, and the child's academic success. There are multiple barriers that affect the identification of children with abnormal vocal qualities and their access to services. These include: the reliance on school personnel, the ability of parents and caretakers to identify abnormal vocal qualities and signs of misuse, the access to specialized medical services for appropriate diagnosis, and treatment planning and issues related to the Speech-Language Pathologists' perception of their skills and competence regarding voice management for pediatric populations. These barriers and possible solutions to them are discussed with perspectives from the school, clinic and university settings.

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