scholarly journals Level and pace of the regional development of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the context of integration into the European union

2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-172
Author(s):  
Vanes Tulumović

The main goal of this paper is to assess the level and pace of regional development of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the one hand, and the Euro-Atlantic path of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potential candidate for EU membership on the other. In the empirical part of the research, the spatial component encompassed the regionalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The research also included an analysis of the process of the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union from the aspect of pre-accession assistance to candidate countries and potential candidates in the function of promoting regional development. The primary research of regional development and assessment of the level of development as well as the scope of structural policies in overcoming the key political, social and economic problems that hinder the development and improvement of the economic integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the European Union are limited to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The basic scientific methods used in the work and for giving answers to research questions are historical and comparative methods. They consist of methods and indicators of statistical analysis (indices, growth rates, participation rates, coefficients, averages). Specific scientific methods used in the process of this work are: the method of analysis, the synthesis method, the induction method, the descriptor method, the deduction method, the classification method and the comparison method. The empirical results of the research confirm that Bosnia and Herzegovina is faced with the problem of regional development with a pronounced imbalance between the areas within the whole territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is a confirmation for the need for systemic policy as well as regional development policy at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would be in line with the policies of the European Union.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 169-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muamer Hirkić

In a recent survey conducted by the Directorate for European Integration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it appears that 43.6% of respondents believe that there is an alternative to the European Union (EU) membership. The survey was conducted by using the Computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) method, on a sample that is representative for the entire country. Therefore, this article will explore the possibility of pursuing foreign policy that is geared towards several geopolitical centres and implications for the country. Primarily, this refers to alternative development models offered by international actors such as China, Russia, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Although the EU often emphasises commitment to the Western Balkan region, both internal and external processes are becoming heavily politicised. In this regard, the author will also attempt to examine some of these processes and the main stakeholders (both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union), who could stall the future European integration.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bennett C. Thomas

Core–periphery analysis is vital to an understanding of the European Union (EU) and regional development. The European Economic Community (EEC), which would eventually become the EU, was formed in 1957 in order to promote progressive economic integration. Recognizing that there were depressed regions within both peripheral and core nation-states, the EC adopted a programme with the goal of bringing those regions into convergence. Its programme is essentially a liberal centre–periphery model similar to the one proposed by Friedman. Many of the nation-states within the EC also have their own regional policies and programmes regarding intervention within their own spatial boundaries. To present an approach for comparison this article will focus on two examples of regional policy: Britain's attitude toward regional development in the North and the German programme for integrating East Germany.


Author(s):  
Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Honours winner: Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot, Monash UniversityOver the past decades, the European Union has witnessed an increasing apathy among European citizens’ vis-à-vis EU institutions. In 1993, EU elites formally introduced the idea of a ‘European citizenship’ in an attempt on the one hand, to reactivate the European integration project, and, on the other hand, to foster greater consciousness of the European identity which the EU is supposed to represent. What opportunities and challenges would Turkey’s accession to EU membership have on our idea of ‘European citizenship’ and ‘identity’? An analysis on the current debate regarding Turkey’s possible accession in the EU raises significant questions on the EU’s identity and on the role of the EU in the international community.


Author(s):  
Robert Csehi

Hungary became a member of the European Union (EU) alongside nine other, mainly East-Central European (ECE) countries in 2004. Although Hungary was one of the leading candidates from the former Soviet bloc to join the EU after the transition in 1989–1990, this positive view and the advantage that the country enjoyed seemed to gradually disappear by the mid-2000s. Hungarian experience with the EU is quite ambivalent. Economically speaking, on the one hand there is a slow but steady convergence to the EU average, which is largely due to the net beneficiary status of the country within the Community, and employment levels have increased considerably. On the other hand, the Country-Specific Recommendations (CSRs) point to shortcomings related to competitiveness, and labor productivity, which indicate some missed opportunities. Similarly, although budgetary deficit and public debt have been under control lately, sustainability concerns still remain. Additionally, even though the country’s prospects to join the common currency area are quite promising, political willingness is still lacking to make a lasting commitment to the Euro. While the socio-economic expectations of EU membership before accession were quite high and rather unrealistic, although economic growth decreased the level of overall poverty, socioeconomic inequalities have increased lately because of government policies. As far as politics is concerned, even the consensus of the political elite to support liberal democracy as a political system and further integration of the EU as a policy strategy have been questioned by the main governing party lately. Instead, a more Eurosceptic tone and an incremental democratic decline characterizes everyday politics, which has led to recurring criticism within the Community, and the eventual triggering of an Article 7 Procedure.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
Hasan Mahmutović ◽  
◽  
Alem Merdić ◽  

The entire process of Bosnia and Herzegovina's path to European integration so far, is mostly limited to the problems of achieving political consensus, neglecting the essence and purpose of the integration process, which is primarily reflected in achieving the real convergence of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the EU. The absence of real convergence, and adequate preparation in terms of competitiveness of the economy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the EU membership, can cause negative effects of integration.Considering that there has not yet been written any paper that questions the lack of real convergence, primarily GDP p.c., and that a complete analysis of economic criteria is reduced to the Progress Reports of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the EU, which summarize the fulfillment of the economic criteria of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the EU membership without concrete suggestions for improvement, this paper analyzes the real convergence of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the European Union, observed through the income level p.c., prices and productivity of the labor force.The analysis showed that there is a sigma convergence of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the EU in the movement of GDP p.c., which is reflected in the reduction of the coefficient of variation of the observed parameter in the period from 2000 to 2015 from 89.8% to 85.3%, which is a decrease in the coefficient of variation for 4 , 5 p.p. for 16 years.In the observed period there was an increase in the absolute GDP p.c. gap, which means that Bosnia and Herzegovina must increase the rate of economic growth in the coming period, in order to stop the relative decrease in the standard of living in relation to the EU.In addition, the analysis of sigma convergence has shown that there are sigma divergent trends in the movement of productivity and price level of Bosnia and Herzegovina in relation to productivity and price level at the EU level.It is expected that the price level in Bosnia and Herzegovina will increase in the coming period as a result of the activation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement and a higher degree of trade integration with the EU.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 713-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Cvijic

The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 598-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.V. Ratner

Subject. The article considers the concept of circular economy, which has originated relatively recently in the academic literature, and is now increasingly recognized in many countries at the national level. In the European Union, the transition to circular economy is viewed as an opportunity to improve competitiveness of the European Union, protect businesses from resource shortages and fluctuating prices for raw materials and supplies, and a way to increase employment and innovation. Objectives. The aim of the study is to analyze the incentives developed by the European Commission for moving to circular economy, and to assess their effectiveness on the basis of statistical analysis. Methods. I employ general scientific methods of research. Results. The analysis of the EU Action Plan for the Circular Economy enabled to conclude that the results of the recent research in circular economy barriers, eco-innovation, technology and infrastructure were successfully integrated into the framework of this document. Understanding the root causes holding back the circular economy development and the balanced combination of economic and administrative incentives strengthened the Action Plan, and it contributed to the circular economy development in the EU. Conclusions. The measures to stimulate the development of the circular economy proposed in the European Action Plan can be viewed as a prototype for designing similar strategies in other countries, including Russia. Meanwhile, a more detailed analysis of barriers to the circular economy at the level of individual countries and regions is needed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 1073-1098 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Derlén ◽  
Johan Lindholm

AbstractThe case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) is one of the most important sources of European Union law. However, case law's role in EU law is not uniform. By empirically studying how the Court uses its own case law as a source of law, we explore the correlation between, on the one hand, the characteristics of a CJEU case—type of action, actors involved, and area of law—and, on the other hand, the judgment's “embeddedness” in previous case law and value as a precedent in subsequent cases. Using this approach, we test, confirm, and debunk existing scholarship concerning the role of CJEU case law as a source of EU law. We offer the following conclusions: that CJEU case law cannot be treated as a single entity; that only a limited number of factors reliably affect a judgment's persuasive or precedential power; that the Court's use of its own case law as a source of law is particularly limited in successful infringement proceedings; that case law is particularly important in preliminary references—especially those concerning fundamental freedoms and competition law; and that initiating Member State and the number of observations affects the behavior of the Court.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Eva Eckert ◽  
Oleksandra Kovalevska

In the European Union, the concern for sustainability has been legitimized by its politically and ecologically motivated discourse disseminated through recent policies of the European Commission and the local as well as international media. In the article, we question the very meaning of sustainability and examine the European Green Deal, the major political document issued by the EC in 2019. The main question pursued in the study is whether expectations verbalized in the Green Deal’s plans, programs, strategies, and developments hold up to the scrutiny of critical discourse analysis. We compare the Green Deal’s treatment of sustainability to how sustainability is presented in environmental and social science scholarship and point out that research, on the one hand, and the politically motivated discourse, on the other, do not correlate and often actually contradict each other. We conclude that sustainability discourse and its keywords, lexicon, and phraseology have become a channel through which political institutions in the EU such as the European Commission sideline crucial environmental issues and endorse their own presence. The Green Deal discourse shapes political and institutional power of the Commission and the EU.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksander Lust

In referenda held in 2003, over 90% of Lithuanians supported joining the European Union (EU), while only two-thirds of Estonians did. Why? This article shows that Lithuanians and Estonians had different economic expectations about the EU. Most Lithuanians hoped that EU membership would help Lithuania overcome its economic backwardness and isolation. By contrast, many Estonians worried that the accession would reinforce Estonia's underdevelopment and dependency on the West. I argue that these expectations reflected the two countries' strategies of economic reform. Lithuania sold state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to their managers and continued to trade heavily with Russia, which slowed down the modernization of its economy. Estonia sold SOEs to foreigners and reoriented its trade rapidly from Russia to the West, which hurt its traditional sectors (particularly agriculture) and infrastructure.


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