Tram, mobilitŕ e crescita urbana in Spagna, 1900-1936

STORIA URBANA ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Banales José Luis Onyňn

- The article focuses on the relationship between tramway networks and urban structure in Spain during the period 1900-1936. It states that this relationship should be studied after considering the use of transport and the mobility patterns of different classes, specially the working class. Once these factors have been studied it is possible to assert the impact of the tramway netmark on urban growth. The impact of the tramways on major Spanish cities did not take the form of a transport revolution that would radically changed the urban pattern. Tramways did not direct urban growth until use of tramway lines by the working class became general. This did not happen until World War I. Since then, skilled and some unskilled workers did change their mobility patterns and tramway use experienced a cycle of growth that continued until the late 1950s.

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Bernstein

The reasons for the decline of the Liberal party in Britain, and its replacement by the Labour party as the representative of the left, continue to be the subject of debate among historians of twentieth-century British politics. An important point at issue has been whether or not the Liberal decline had irreversibly set in prior to World War I; or if the war itself with the strains it placed on liberal ideology and the relationship among the party's most prominent leaders, and with the stimulus it provided for a more militant working class, was the catalyst for decline. There can be no question that the Liberal party was critically dependent upon the support of working-class voters for its viability as an alternative party of government.1 Thus, a major issue of contention among historians of Liberal politics has been the party's success or failure before August 1914 in retaining the allegiance of this crucial electoral base.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-628
Author(s):  
Maria Bucur

This article focuses on the gendered aspects of the institutional framework surrounding the protection, control over, and transfer of property before 1914 in the area that became Romania in the twentieth century, from inheritance to marriage divorce, dowry, and widowhood. During the period covered here, these territories were part of several distinctive administrative regimes—the Habsburg Empire, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire—that also treated property ownership and transfer in various ways. Therefore, my analysis is comparative and offers insights into broader major historical questions, such as the relationship between religious dogma and secular law; the impact of ecclesiastical courts in relation to lay institutions in administering law and preserving property rights; and the impact of such institutions in enforcing specific gender norms.


1988 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 723-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Klein

The dark and fatal passage of plague across the Indian sub-continent in the early twentieth-century, and the inability of Western medicine quickly to halt its incursions symptomized disharmonies in the relationship between modernization and Indian society and ecology. The impact of economic development and environmental change on Indian mortality has been examined elsewhere, but the result was the perpetuation or increase of high death-rates from a multiplicity of diseases through the end of World War I. In the half-century 1872-1921 annual mortality ranged between 40 and 50 per thousand, more than twice the death-rates of the advanced West, and life expectancy fell from about 25 to 20 years. The Indian experience was not unique. Epidemics of cholera and the ‘white plague’ of tuberculosis in the industrializing West, and the ordeal of mortality in the colonial Philippines also illustrated how development activities induced social and environmental disruptions and sustained or promoted high death-rates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-80
Author(s):  
Nataša Cigoj Krstulović

The article deals with the organisational, repertoire and reception aspects of Ljubljana’s concert life during World War I. The relationship between the artistic and propagandistic functions of music is reflected in the share of first performances, as well as in the impact that new occasional compositions had on the audiences. In the last wartime concert season of 1917/18, during the time of fateful political changes both the nationality of visiting artists and the repertoire also symptomatically reveal a stronger cultural-propaganda role of music.


Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

This book examines the relationship between domestic politics and Theodore Roosevelt’s foreign policy. It argues that, in spite of the complicated nature of the US system, with its overlapping powers, intense partisanship, and continuous scrutiny from the media and public, Roosevelt mostly succeeded in implementing his agenda. In the process, it contends, he played a crucial role in the nation’s rise to world power. The book places particular emphasis on four factors: Roosevelt’s compelling vision for national greatness, political skill, faith in the people and the US system, and emphasis on presidential leadership. It finds that public sentiment was not isolationist, as some historians have argued, but was willing to support all of TR’s major objectives. Roosevelt’s feel for the national mood was also crucial, as was his willingness to compromise or change his views when necessary. Topics covered by the book include Roosevelt’s early career in politics; relations with great powers such as Britain, Germany, and Japan; the Monroe Doctrine, the Roosevelt Corollary, and Latin America; the impact of immigration from China and Japan; and World War I.


Author(s):  
Donna T. Haverty-Stacke

Chapter 1 explores the various factors that shaped Carlson’s identity as a working-class Catholic young woman who was committed to social justice. These included her natal family and childhood neighborhood, her local parish, her women religious teachers, and the impact of World War I and the 1922 shopmen’s strike. Through her experience of World War I, as a working-class Irish and German girl, she had come to question government authority and the 100 percent Americanism that vigilante groups imposed on the community in St. Paul. As a result of her father’s experiences during the shopmen’s strike, she deepened her understanding of the importance of worker solidarity. And Grace came to appreciate early on the importance of education for the development of her autonomy. It was not only her mother, Mary Holmes, who instilled that lesson but also her women religious instructors in high school. The Josephites reinforced the value Grace placed on higher education as a route to economic independence for women and set her feet on the road to a professional career.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-265
Author(s):  
Dorothea Browder

AbstractThis article examines how a group of Black and White YWCA staff members seized the opportunities of World War I to advance a racial justice agenda through Young Women's Christian Association programs for working women. First, they created YWCA program work for thousands of Black working women that paralleled the YWCA's Industrial Program, which followed YWCA segregation policies. Second, they made claims for social justice based on Black women's labor contributions, in contrast to both earlier reformers' focus on elite Black women and other wartime activists' focus on soldiers' service. Finally, in a period best known for White people's violent resistance to Black advances, they fostered a program culture and structures that encouraged White working-class women to view African American coworkers as colleagues and to understand racial justice as part of a broader social justice agenda. Arguing that interracial cooperation among working people was crucial to social progress, they made African American laboring women and White working-class allies both symbolically and literally crucial to wartime and postwar civil rights efforts. Their efforts contribute to our understanding of the changing discourse of “respectability” and the impact of World War I on the Black Freedom Struggle.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Cottiero ◽  
Katherine Kucharski ◽  
Evgenia Olimpieva ◽  
Robert W. Orttung

How effective is Russian state television in framing the conflict in Ukraine that began with the Euromaidan protests and what is its impact on Russian Internet users? We carried out a content analysis of Dmitrii Kiselev's “News of the Week” show, which allowed us to identify the two key frames he used to explain the conflict – World War II-era fascism and anti-Americanism. Since Kiselev often reduces these frames to buzzwords, we were able to track the impact of these words on Internet users by examining search query histories on Yandex and Google and by developing quantitative data to complement our qualitative analysis. Our findings show that much of what state media produces is not effective, but that the “fascist” and anti-American frames have had lasting impacts on Russian Internet users. We argue that it does not make sense to speak of competition between a “television party” and an “Internet party” in Russia since state television has a strong impact in setting the agenda for the Internet and society as a whole. Ultimately, the relationship between television and the Internet in Russia is a continual loop, with each affecting the other.


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