Welfare for the middle classes: the case for reinforcement

2017 ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Remo Siza
Keyword(s):  
Middle Classes

Democratizing Abolitionism: Anti-slavery Discourses and Sentiments in August von Kotzebue's Die Negersklaven (1796)

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-45
Author(s):  
Sarah J. Adams
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Denis Diderot ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
German States ◽  
Political Sources ◽  
Mise En Scene ◽  
Peripheral Position ◽  
Histoire Des Deux Indes ◽  
Political Leverage

Despite their peripheral position in the Atlantic slave trade, authors of the late eighteenth-century German states composed a number of dramas that addressed imperialism and slavery. As Sigrid G. Köhler has argued (2018), these authors aimed to exert political leverage by grounding their plays in the international abolitionist debate. This article explores how a body of intellectual texts resonated in August von Kotzebue's bourgeois melodrama Die Negersklaven (1796). In a sentimental preface, he mentions diverse philosophical, historical and political sources that contributed to the dramatic plot and guaranteed his veracity. Looking specifically at the famous Histoire des deux Indes (1770) by Denis Diderot and Guillaume-Thomas F. Raynal, I will examine the ways in which Kotzebue adapted highbrow abolitionist discourses to the stage in order to convery an anti-slavery ideology to the white European middle classes. Kotzebue seems to ground abolitionism in the bourgeois realm by moulding political texts into specific generic templates such as an elaborate mise-en-scène, the separation and reunion of lost lovers, a fraternal conflict, and the representation of suffering victims and a compassionate white hero.

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

The French Directory: Mirage of the Moderates

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
Opposite Extreme

This chapter details events following the end of the Terror and the political and emotional crisis of the Year II. The question that a great many Frenchmen put to themselves both in France and in the emigration, and a question to which observers throughout Europe and America awaited the answer, was whether some kind of moderate or constitutional regime would be durably established. The next four years showed that constitutional quietude was still far away. The difficulty was that not everyone agreed on what either moderation or justice should consist in. Justice, for some, required the punishment of all revolutionaries and their sympathizers. For others, it meant a continuing battle against kings, priests, aristocrats, and the comfortable middle classes. Both groups saw in “moderation” a mere tactic of the opposition, and moderates as the dupes of the opposite extreme. Compromise for them meant the surrender of principle. It meant truckling with an enemy that could never be trusted, and had no real intention of compromise.

De Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Deel 2

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-171
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
Small Businesses ◽  
Professional Associations ◽  
National Union ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Member Of Parliament

Onlangs werd het verslagboek 1919-1925 ontdekt van de Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Dat was de bundeling van arrondissementele verbonden waarmee flaminganten onder de leiding van volksvertegenwoordiger Frans Van Cauwelaert in heel het Vlaamse land de katholieke partij in handen wilden nemen, om de Nederlandse eentaligheid van Vlaanderen aan de overheden op te leggen. Het zou duren tot 1936 vooraleer de partij in België officieel georganiseerd werd op federale basis, maar daardoor zou de KVL dan zijn betekenis verliezen.  Intussen was een belangrijk deel van de aanhang, vooral uit de intellectuele burgerij, overgestapt naar de nationalisten, hoewel de KVL zijn houding had geradicaliseerd om dat te voorkomen. De beroepsorganisaties van christelijke arbeiders, boeren en middenstanders waren de belangrijkste ondersteuners, waarmee de KVL intussen haar oorspronkelijk programma had kunnen doorvoeren.________The Catholic Flemish National UnionRecently the book including the minutes of the Catholic Flemish National Union (KVL) for 1919-1925 was discovered. The Catholic Flemish Nation Union was the gathering of the district-based unions that the supporters of the Flemish Movement under the leadership of Member of Parliament Frans Van Cauwelaert wanted to take over in order to impose Dutch on the authorities as the single language in Flanders. The party was not officially organised on a federal basis in Belgium until 1936, and for this reason the KVL would then lose its significance. Meanwhile a large number of its supporters, in particular those from the intellectual middle classes had transferred its allegiance to the nationalists, in spite of the fact that the KVL had radicalised its stance in order to prevent this. The professional associations of Christian workers, farmers and small businesses constituted the main supporters, with whom the KVL could have carried out its original programme.

Class, Control, and Classical Music

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Bull
Keyword(s):  
Music Education ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Classical Music ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
White Middle Class ◽  
Music Ensembles ◽  
The Aesthetic

Through an ethnographic study of young people playing and singing in classical music ensembles in the south of England, this book analyses why classical music in England is predominantly practiced by white middle-class people. It describes four ‘articulations’ or associations between the middle classes and classical music. Firstly, its repertoire requires formal modes of social organization that can be contrasted with the anti-pretentious, informal, dialogic modes of participation found in many forms of working-class culture. Secondly, its modes of embodiment reproduce classed values such as female respectability. Thirdly, an imaginative dimension of bourgeois selfhood can be read from classical music’s practices. Finally, its aesthetic of detail, precision, and ‘getting it right’ requires a long-term investment that is more possible, and makes more sense, for middle- and upper-class families. Through these arguments, the book reframes existing debates on gender and classical music participation in light of the classed gender identities that the study revealed. Overall, the book suggests that inequalities in cultural production can be understood through examining the practices that are used to create a particular aesthetic. It argues that the ideology of the ‘autonomy’ of classical music from social concerns needs to be examined in historical context as part of the classed legacy of classical music’s past. It describes how the aesthetic of classical music is a mechanism through which the middle classes carry out boundary-drawing around their protected spaces, and within these spaces, young people’s participation in classical music education cultivates a socially valued form of self-hood.

Sacred Space Becomes Public Space

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deonnie Moodie
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
Sacred Space ◽  
First Century ◽  
Tourist Attraction ◽  
Public Interest Litigation ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The Temple

At the turn of the twenty-first century, middle-class men and women formed non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and filed public interest litigation suits (PILs) in order to expand temple space, knock down buildings that block views of Kālīghāṭ’s façade, and remove undesirable materials and populations from its environs. Employing the language of cleanliness and order, they worked (and continue to work) to make Kālīghāṭ a “must-see” tourist attraction. Scholarship has shown that India’s new middle classes—those produced through India’s economic liberalization policies in the 1990s—desire highly visible forms demonstrating their modernity as well as their uniqueness on the international stage of urban space. The example of Kālīghāṭ indicates how India’s new middle classes build on the work of the old middle classes to deploy the temple as emblematic of both their modernity and their Indian-ness. In so doing, they read the idioms of public space onto sacred space.

The Politics of Social Investment

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silja Häusermann ◽  
Bruno Palier
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Family Policy ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Second Step ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Specific Substance

Recent research on the development of social investment has demonstrated reform progress not only in different regions of Europe, but also in Latin America and South-East Asia. However, the specific substance of the social investment agendas varies strongly between these regions. Why have social investment ideas and policies been more developed in some regions and countries than in others? Building on the theoretical framework of this volume, our chapter suggests that the content of regional social investment agendas depends on policy legacies in terms of investment vs consumption-oriented policies and their interaction with structural pressures. In a second step, we argue that the chances of social investment agendas to be implemented depend on the availability of political support coalitions between organizational representatives of the educated middle classes and either business or working-class actors. We illustrate our claims with reference to family policy developments in France, Germany, and Switzerland.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie L. Derrick
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Critical Component ◽  
Critical Difference ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Print History ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Equal Importance ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject

The emphasis of this monograph has been on the historical, cultural, religious, and social factors that shaped C. S. Lewis and his reception. Until recently those who have considered the subject have attributed his popularity to virtues of the man himself. The fact that Lewis, in effect, was an image, a mitigated commercial product, a platform, has largely been overlooked. A critical component of Lewis’s reception is the opportunities that education provided the middle classes for social mobility in the twentieth century and the social divisions and anxieties attendant upon those evolutions. Of equal importance is the timing of Lewis’s life and publications with print history and the rise of mass media and entertainment. Lewis’s platform as a contrarian Christian resisting modernity and his reactions to the intellectual, social, and religious changes of his day made the critical difference to his transatlantic receptions.

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