scholarly journals KHWAREZMIAN CONQUEST OF THE SOUTH CAUCASUS AND THE BATTLE OF GARNI IN 1225

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-17
Author(s):  
D M Timokhin

The article deals with one of the most striking moments of the Khwarezmian expansion into the South Caucasus, namely the battle of Garni in 1225. It was this military clash that largely predetermined the course of the further military and political activity of the Khorezmshah Jalal ad-Din Mankburni: till his death in 1231, his attention was focused on this region, which had rightfully become the heart of his power. For its part, it was the Khwarezmian expansion that undermined the military and political might of the Georgian Empire, so that it could no longer properly withstand the Mongolian threat in the 1230s. The author of the article considers the battle and focuses on the causes and preconditions of this military conflict and its consequences. The article also presents a brief analysis of the military and political situation in the South Caucasus on the threshold of Khwarezmian threat. The events are reconstructed basing on the available sources in the Arabic-Persian, Georgian and Armenian languages. The author of the article highlights the key matters, which the authors of the three sources draw attention to, and emphasizes the most important authors’ assessments and conclusions cited in the historical sources. Thus, the author of the article considers the battle of Garni in 1225 both as a historical event and as a certain narrative created by medieval historians belonging to different religious, ethnic and social communities. The analysis of the mentioned narrative and the laws of its formation is an important component of this study.

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-131
Author(s):  
Dmitry Timokhin

The Khwarazmian conquest and domination within the South Caucasus had a major impact on the political history of the region, which reduced the influence of the Georgian Kingdom – the strongest political entity in these lands. Experts claim that military and political activity of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi in this region is the main reason why he joined the Mongol Empire in 1230s’ without resisting the Mongol conquerors. One of the most valuable sources, describing the Khwarazmian invasion to the East Caucasus and the history of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire in 1225-1231, is the work of an-Nasawi “Sirat as-sultan Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi”. This historical source is important for understanding the features of political development of the Georgian Empire as the main political opponent of the Khwarazmian kingdom. However, there has been no special study of an-Nasawi’s work as a source on the history of the Georgian kingdom nor in domestic neither in foreign oriental studies. This paper intends to analyze not only the amount of information, provided by an-Nasawi on the Kingdom of Georgia in the course of his description of the Khwarazmian conquest in the South Caucasus, but also some features of said description, and author’s characteristics. Special attention is paid to those lacunas in the description of the South Caucasus, which can be observed in an-Nasawi’s work compared to other historical sources (in the Arabic-Persian, Georgian and Armenian languages). It is equally important to understand the extent to which the author pays attention to the detailed description of the political and military opponent of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire, which is the Kingdom of Georgia. It is also important to find out how an-Nasawi pictured and how he reflected in his work the war between Khwarazmian kingdom and the Georgian Empire: as a conflict over territories and spheres of influence or as a religious, even inter-ethnic one.


Author(s):  
Alheder Haled

The paper is devoted to determining the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the Syrian Arab Republic in various scenarios of military conflicts. In order to identify the relationship between the success of the country's foreign economic policy and the military conflicts waged on its territory, a study was conducted of such indicators of Syria as: the growth rate of the peace index and the GDP growth rate. A strong inverse correlation is revealed, which means that the level of political situation and peace in the state determines the efficiency of the economy. In view of this, various scenarios of the development of the military conflict in Syria have been studied: at the initial stage, at the stage of active hostilities, at the present stage of overcoming the crisis. The last stage involves four different scenarios for the development of a military conflict, including a local nature and a protracted nature with the involvement of other countries of the world. Options for developing cooperation between Russia and Syria have been identified for each scenario. Taking into account the assessment of the international political situation, the two most likely scenarios for further military events in Syria are identified, and the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Syria in these conditions are outlined.


Kavkaz-forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 90-100
Author(s):  
Ф.С. Киреев

В статье анализируются причины возвращения войсковой системы самоуправления Терского казачества и показан сам процесс создания выборности войсковой власти. Актуальность исследования казачьего самоуправления обусловлена необходимостью теоретического обоснования и практического осуществления самоорганизации казачества России. Исторический анализ процесса организации самоуправления Терского казачества на войсковом уровне может послужить фундаментом для лучшего понимания и оценки современных процессов и явлений в казачьей среде и поможет выстраиванию государственной политики в отношении казачества в современной России. В отечественной историографии отсутствуют работы, посвященные конкретно восстановлению выборности власти в Терском казачьем войске. Поэтому научная новизна исследования определяется тем, что впервые предпринята попытка хронологической реконструкции истории создания войсковой системы самоуправления Терского казачества. Методологической основой исследования является принцип историзма, что предусматривает изучение момента возникновения исторического события и этапы его развития. Анализ событий на Тереке в 1917 г. показывает, что терские казаки смогли самоорганизоваться, создать полноценное административно-территориальное образование, и лишь изменение социально-политической ситуации в России в целомпомешало укрепить и продолжить это начинание. Еще необходимо отметить, что терские казаки к моменту восстановления войскового самоуправления подошли уже с готовыми проектами соответствующих документов, что позволило Терскому войску первым среди других войск создать свою выборную власть. Это говорит о высоком интеллектуальном потенциале в среде терских казаков. The article analyzes the reasons for the restoration of the military system of self-government of the Terek Cossacks and shows the very process of creating the elective military power. The relevance of the study of Cossack self-government is due to the need for theoretical justification and practical implementation of the self-organization of the Cossacks of Russia. Historical analysis of the process of organizing self-government of the Terek Cossacks at the military level can serve as a foundation for better understanding and assessment of modern processes and phenomena in the Cossack environment and will help to build state policy towards the Cossacks in modern Russia. In the Russian historiography, there are no works devoted specifically to the restoration of the election of power in the Terek Cossack army. Therefore, the scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that for the first time an attempt was made to chronologically reconstruct the history of the creation of the military system of self-government of the Terek Cossacks. The methodological basis of the research is the principle of historicism, with its focus on the study of the moment of occurrence of a historical event and the stages of its development. An analysis of the events on the Terek in 1917 shows that the Terek Cossacks were able to organize themselves and create a full-fledged administrative-territorial entity and only a change in the socio-political situation in Russia as a whole was placed, strengthened and continued this initiative. It should also be noted that the Terek Cossacks, by the time of the restoration of military self-government, came up with ready-made drafts of relevant documents, which allowed the Terek army to be the first among other troops to create their own elected power. This indicates a high intellectual potential among the Terek cossacks.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Alekseevich Avatkov ◽  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Kasianenko

The research subject is the peculiarities of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The author considers political-military relations in the region through the prism of national interests of regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, and Iran; analyzes military and technical cooperation in the South Caucasus based on the example of Armenia and Azerbaijan; studies military expenditure of the countries of the region and military budgets of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which are one of the hotbeds of tension and conflicts of interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the systematization of ideas about the modern state of political-military relations in the South Caucasus in terms of the regional actors’ influence on the regional security system. Based on the documents, facts and research works, the author formulates a conclusion about the condition and the prospects of development of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The success of Turkey in terms of strengthening its positions in the South Caucasus against the background of rising competition in the region is undoubtable. Turkey has managed not only to position itself as a strong regional actor, which is able to indirectly influence regional disputes settlement, but also to promote the military triumph of Azerbaijan, its key ally in the region. It will result in further extension of export of Turkish weapons to Azerbaijan, and deeper cooperation between these two countries in other spheres. It concerns Russia and Iran, which are interested in maintaining the balance of powers in the region.  


Subject Russia's deployment of drones at its base in Armenia. Significance After a significant upgrade and expansion of Russian air power in Armenia over the past two months, including the deployment of a combat helicopter squadron and additional fixed-wing combat aircraft, a new delivery of drones has further bolstered Russian capabilities in Gyumri, Russia's sole base in the South Caucasus. Impacts Advanced Russian UAVs will significantly expand surveillance capacity, with nearby Turkey the obvious target. The move will reassure Armenia of Russia's commitment to its security. If Armenia now exaggerates the military threat from Turkey, it could complicate the outlook for reopening their closed border.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
V.V. Goncharov ◽  
◽  
N.N. Berzeova ◽  

The article deals with the problems of human rights in the context of armed conflict and the actions of the anti-terrorist operation in the South-East of Ukraine. The analyzes the fundamental documents of international law and the law of Ukraine in the field of basic human rights and freedoms and identifies violations of regulations in the field of ensuring the security of citizens, the use of the army and prohibited weapons against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Based on the research carried out in the article, the author identifies and justifies the following ways to resolve the conflict: the introduction of troops of peacekeepers in the zone of military conflict; resolving issues of actual compensation for victims and relatives of victims; the implementation of international justice against those responsible for unleashing the conflict and war crimes against citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-971
Author(s):  
K. V. Yumatov ◽  
K. N. Sivina

The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor V. Bocharnikov

The article analyzes the specifics and content of Armenia's multi-vector foreign policy, its results and prospects for further implementation. The article considers the processes of formation and development of the Armenian statehood in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The years when Armenia was part of the USSR were the period of its highest development. At the same time, along with the achievements in the spheres of socio-economic and cultural development, nationalist public sentiments were formed during this period, which undermined the foundations of the multinational state. The most important catalyst for fundamental changes in the development of the political situation in Armenia, in Transcaucasia and in the USSR as a whole was the events in the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the late 80s of the XX century, which transformed into an ethno-political confl ict. The most acute phase of the conflict coincided with the collapse of the USSR and the establishment of the statehood of Armenia and Azerbaijan. With the mediation of the Russian Federation, a ceasefire agreement was signed in May 1994, which was generally observed until September 2020 — the Second Karabakh War. The article examines the main stages of the formation of the statehood of Armenia and the formation of its foreign policy strategy, due to the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as the actual blockade and pressure from Azerbaijan and Turkey. Building allied relations with Russia was carried out along with the implementation of a multi-vector foreign policy, focusing on the United States and the European Union within the framework of the European program "Eastern Partnership". The main factors determining the modern foreign and domestic policy of Armenia are considered. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the processes caused by the results of the" Second Karabakh War " (September — November 2020) and their significance for the formation of a regional security system in the South Caucasus. The main vectors of the development of Armenia's relations with the Russian Federation and other leading countries of the region, the conditions and factors, and the prospects for the development of the military-political situation in the South Caucasus are determined.


Author(s):  
Karine Ambartsumyan ◽  

Introduction. The author presents a brief description of the situation in the South Caucasus after the establishment of the Soviet power in Azerbaijan. A brief characteristic of the international context influencing decisionmaking in relation to Georgia and Armenia is given. The author makes a short review of historiography. Methods and materials. A list of historical sources is presented. The materials of the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian state archive of social and political history, private documents and the description of Menshevik Georgia in 1920 by Soviet scientist and publicist N.L. Meshcheryakov are the base of the research. Analysis. Based on these sources, the author explores the Soviet-Georgian relations, which are considered as interstate, since Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic legally accepted the independence of the Georgian state. A comparison of the positions of the representatives of the Caucasus Bureau and the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs revealed the difference in approaches to politics in Georgia. Moscow was against forced Sovietization and considered the Georgian Republic as a temporary buffer between Russia, on the one hand, and the forces of the Entente and Kemalist Turkey, on the other. The main directions of the Soviet-Georgian interaction were analyzed. The author, giving examples from documents, proves that Georgia was used as a center for strengthening control over Azerbaijan, consolidating success in the North Caucasus and pursuing a policy of reintegrating the South Caucasus into the Russian statehood. One of the clauses of the SovietGeorgian treaty signed in May 1920 was the creation of an associated commission. The article considers the features of its work and shows its inefficiency using the documents. Results. The author draws the conclusion that achieving independence in a wide international context was impossible for Georgia at that date. The RSFSR policy during 1920–1921 can be called the course of postponed Sovietization. It became an independent stage in the reintegration of the South Caucasus.


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