scholarly journals Domestic Violence, Mass Shootings, and Gun Control: A Public Health, Criminal Justice, and Civil Rights Issue

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-8
Author(s):  
Eleanor M. Kiesel
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lori Post ◽  
Maryann Mason ◽  
Lauren Nadya Singh ◽  
Nicholas P Wleklinski ◽  
Charles B Moss ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND Public mass shootings are a significant public health problem that require systematic surveillance to inform policies that combat gun injuries. While there is widespread agreement that something needs to be done to stop public mass shootings, exactly which policies that entails varies such as the prohibition of assault weapons and large capacity magazines. OBJECTIVE Needs to be added METHODS The FAWB resulted in a significant decrease in public mass shootings, number of gun deaths and injuries. We estimate the FAWB prevented 11 public mass shootings during the decade the ban was in place. A continuation of the FAWB would have prevented 30 public mass shootings that killed 339 people and injured an additional 1139 people. RESULTS The FAWB resulted in a significant decrease in public mass shootings, number of gun deaths and injuries. We estimate the FAWB prevented 11 public mass shootings during the decade the ban was in place. A continuation of the FAWB would have prevented 30 public mass shootings that killed 339 people and injured an additional 1139 people. CONCLUSIONS This study demonstrates the utility of public health surveillance on gun violence. Surveillance informs policy on whether a ban on assault weapons and high capacity magazines reduces public mass shootings. As society searches for effective policies to prevent the next public mass shooter, we must consider the overwhelming evidence that assault weapon bans and/or large capacity magazine bans work. CLINICALTRIAL NA


Author(s):  
Courtney Cross

Harm reduction is a school of thought born out of public health practices: the goal of harm reduction is to mitigate the collateral dangers associated with high-risk behaviors so that individuals engaging in those activities are exposed to less harm overall. This piece argues that there is a need for harm reduction practices to implemented in the domestic violence context, specifically when working with survivors who have not, for myriad reasons, left their abusive relationships. Harm reduction in this context would include providing services in accordance with survivors’ self-identified needs and goals—services that are not contingent on ending the relationship. Explicit incorporation of harm reduction principles into domestic violence practice would also reenergize the larger domestic violence movement by shifting the focus away from one-size-fits-all criminal justice solutions and back onto survivor autonomy and community needs.


Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker

Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.


Episteme ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jack Warman

Abstract Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) are at last coming to be recognised as serious global public health problems. Nevertheless, many women with personal histories of DVA decline to disclose them to healthcare practitioners. In the health sciences, recent empirical work has identified many factors that impede DVA disclosure, known as barriers to disclosure. Drawing on recent work in social epistemology on testimonial silencing, we might wonder why so many people withhold their testimony and whether there is some kind of epistemic injustice afoot here. In this paper, I offer some philosophical reflections on DVA disclosure in clinical contexts and the associated barriers to disclosure. I argue that women with personal histories of DVA are vulnerable to a certain form of testimonial injustice in clinical contexts, namely, testimonial smothering, and that this may help to explain why they withhold that testimony. It is my contention that this can help explain the low rates of DVA disclosure by patients to healthcare practitioners.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Harini Kav

This paper looks at the criminal case of Deborah Peagler and the California habeas law and explores the effectiveness of legislative changes to domestic battery laws as a mechanism for change in the criminal justice system in regards to its treatment of domestic violence survivors accused of committing a crime against their abuser. It focuses on the androcentric and racialized nature of the criminal justice system and argues that while legislative changes brought about by social movements facilitate opportunities for women like Peagler to pursue just outcomes, they do not counter the gender biases prevalent in the justice system and, alone, are insufficient in improving the treatment of domestic violence survivors in the criminal justice system.


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