scholarly journals The problem of man in Protestant theology of the twentieth century

2013 ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Tetyana Gavrulyuk

A characteristic feature of Protestant theology of the twentieth century is a turn to anthropology, the formation of anthropologically oriented theology. The reason for this is the social processes and general tendencies of the philosophical thought of that time. The delineation of religion from the state, the restoration of religion to the personal affairs of man predetermine the need for the understanding of man as a being that transcends to the supernatural. Defining in the conception of supernatural, God - both in philosophy and in theology - now there is not cosmology, but an existential, human experience of existence. In this way, the soteriological issues acquire an individualistic color. Thus, the problems of sin, freedom of will and grace are interpreted in the context of the existence of an individual. Already in the twentieth century, this vector of development of Protestant theology was criticized. Therefore, the formation of Protestant anthropology was carried out in several directions. The study of the main tendencies of Protestant anthropology of the twentieth century is currently relevant, since it can provide a new direction in the search for an exit from the anthropological crisis of our time.

2021 ◽  

This volume examines Arnold Gehlen’s theory of the state from his philosophy of the state in the 1920s via his political and cultural anthropology to his impressive critique of the post-war welfare state. The systematic analyses the book contains by leading scholars in the social sciences and the humanities examine the interplay between the theory and history of the state with reference to the broader context of the history of ideas. Students and researchers as well as other readers interested in this subject will find this book offers an informative overview of how one of the most wide-ranging and profound thinkers of the twentieth century understands the state. With contributions by Oliver Agard, Heike Delitz, Joachim Fischer, Andreas Höntsch, Tim Huyeng, Rastko Jovanov, Frank Kannetzky, Christine Magerski, Zeljko Radinkovic, Karl-Siegbert Rehberg and Christian Steuerwald.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (03) ◽  
pp. 370-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Muchiri ◽  
Sehrish Shahid ◽  
Oluremi Ayoko

AbstractProf. Ken Parry's (1998) conceptualisation of leadership as a social process provoked a shift in the understanding of the processes of influence in the context of achieving adaptation and change in response to changes in an organisation's environment. Reflecting on the state of leadership literature in recent years, we answer Ken's (2013) challenge to broaden our understanding of the positive outcomes achieved by social processes of leadership. Building on Ken's work, we propose a research framework that makes a linkage between the social processes of leadership, positive organisational behaviour, and specifically psychological capital.


1953 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Shanahan

Prussian Conservatism was not an ideology comparable to those which have breathed into every crevice of twentieth century totalitarian states. It was not really an ideology at all, if that term is understood to mean a system of thought enforced by the state so as to give every human act a political meaning. The Prussian conservatives, conditioned by an aristocratic disdain for a political rationale, were unable to agree on a uniform principle of political conduct. Shades of meaning, based largely on the balance struck between religion and political realism, persisted in coloring the conservative temperament. Yet by the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, Prussian conservatism had become a coherent body of thought distinct from liberalism, democracy, or socialism. Its historical importance became assured, when, at Bismarck's hands, Prussian conservatism entered wholeheartedly into the making of what the liberal historian, Erich Eyck, has called “German constitutionalism,” that is a system of politics respectful of authority, but equally disdainful of democracy and absolutism, in which the practical conduct of government may be guided by moral principles in an irrational world.


1989 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Arnott

The definitive study of the Delphic Oracle by H. W. Parke and D. E. W. Wormell published over thirty years ago assembled all the information then known about it and discussed the various theories both ancient and modern about its operation where reliable information was lacking. In the presentation and evaluation of these theories, however, Parke and Wormell take no account of the methods and practices of state oracles in other cultures, even though such oracles may still be functioning today at the end of the twentieth century and so be able to provide contemporary and authenticated evidence of their workings, power and credibility. In Tibet, for instance, the State Oracle has a history going back over 800 years. It was originally sited at the monastery of Nechung (‘Small Place’) some four miles west of Lhasa, operating there until the Chinese annexation of Tibet in the 1950's, when the monk who acted as the mouthpiece of the oracle followed the Dalai Lama in his flight to northern India. The Tibetan State Oracle now functions in exile at Dharamsala in Himachal Pradesh some 250 miles north of Delhi. Its operations show some striking similarities to those attested for Delphi, and although the distances in time and space (not to mention the differences in cultural and religious background) obviously preclude any links between Nechung and Delphi other than those of common human experience and psychology, the parallels may at times help to shed some illumination on a few darker or confused areas in our knowledge of Delphic practice. Analogy admittedly is not argument, and the individual reader must judge for himself the applicability of the evidence.


Moreana ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 44 (Number 171- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 72-86
Author(s):  
Frédéric de Coninck

The social configuration of exile means the minority presence of a social group that builds a different lifestyle and different beliefs from the majority while coexisting with that majority in the same place. This configuration, valued in a surprising way, in the Jewish prophetism of the exile period, has long faced strong oppositions. The Christendom society wanted, from this point of view, a homogeneous society. The Reformation has produced divisions, but has not destroyed, as a first step, the local uniformity of convictions and life choices. The radical Reformation, which has valued, from 1523, individual choice against a religion imposed or controlled by the state had all the attributes needed to conceive itself as living in a position of exile. This has not been the case. The pressure for social homogeneity was too strong at the time. It was not before the twentieth century, when rereading the legacy of the radical Reformation in the context of an increasingly fragmented society, that the subject was finally raised.


Author(s):  
Peter Vorderer ◽  
Christoph Klimmt ◽  
Jennings Bryant

This chapter offers some historical and conceptual orientation to readers of the Oxford Handbook of Entertainment Theory. Departing from a brief review of ancient roots and twentieth-century pioneer works, we elaborate on the state and challenges of contemporary entertainment theory and research. This includes the need to develop a more explicit understanding of interrelationships among similar terms and concepts (e.g., “presence” and “transportation”), the need to reflect more explicitly on epistemological foundations of entertainment theories (e.g., neobehaviorism), and the need to reach back to past, even historical reasoning in communication that may be just as informative as the consideration of recent theoretical innovations from neighboring fields such as social psychology. Finally, we offer some reflections on programmatic perspectives for future entertainment theory, which should try to harmonize views from the social sciences and critical thinking, span cultural differences in entertainment processes, and keep track of the rapid technological progress of entertainment media.


2009 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEDRO RAMOS PINTO

AbstractThis article investigates the origins of modern citizenship in Portugal through the example of the historical construction of housing as a social right. It argues this process owes much to the centralisation and strengthening of the state undertaken by Salazar's ‘New State’ (1933–74), whose transformative project changed the nature of the relationship between the governing and the governed, making political claims based on social rights plausible. The ensuing political dynamic changed the nature of the social contract in Portugal, tying the legitimacy of the state to the provision of social rights, a factor which eventually contributed to the dictatorship's demise.


Author(s):  
Barbara Simpson

During his lifetime, George Herbert Mead published more than a hundred critical commentaries, reports, and original articles exploring how consciousness and mind arise in human conduct. Even so, his seminal thinking about the social processes of human experience remains significantly under-utilized in the organizational literature. In this chapter I argue that the synthesis of intersubjectivity and temporality, which Mead achieves by using the notion of sociality, offers an unparalleled access, both theoretically and methodologically, to the dynamics of emergent practice in organizations. In particular, his formulation of human experience as the passage of events, or present moments, emerging from the interplay between reconstructed pasts and imagined futures, invites a radical re-examination of the notion of temporal continuity and change. The chapter also positions Mead’s work in relation to other pragmatist philosophers and the hermeneutic and phenomenological traditions more generally, while also emphasizing the relevance of his ideas to contemporary organizational living.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 145-155
Author(s):  
Sabir Hussain ◽  
Pinkish Zahra ◽  
Ghulam Murtaza

This paper investigates the enunciation of meaning in the coalescence of form and content in the ghazals of Agha Shahid Ali. In the last decade of the twentieth-century escalation of political and civil clashes handicapped the social system in Kashmir; all the government institutions remained closed for months. Post offices were one of those institutions which remained shut and the letters piled on without finding reaching their addressees. In this backdrop Ali wrote the collection, The Country Without a Post Office, where Ali mourns the state oppression. This research explores through literary stylistics the chaos and trauma inextricably interwoven in the form-content synchronization in the English ghazals of this collection. The form and content of these ghazals have aptly enunciated the trauma of Kashmir. Although ghazals to-date have been sung to mourn the unrequited love and separation of lover yet Ali has given this a novel thematic dimension by incorporating the blood and shreds, cannons and sticks, and nostalgia and dreams.


Author(s):  
Khudoiar Lesia

Introduction. The features of the concepts of equality enshrined in the provisions of the programming documents of the Internationals in the perspective of the genesis of the concept of human rights are highlighted. The aim of the article. The content and peculiarities of conceptions of the principle of equality in the programming documents of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals are investigated and compared in order to determine the influence of the hierarchy of moral and legal values of a particular political community on the evolution of the concept and content of the principle of equality in European society in a certain period of time. Results. The program of the Communist International, adopted at the 45th meeting of the 6th Congress of the Communist International on September 1, 1928, clearly articulates the idea of ​​equality between men and women, as well as the equality of all fighters for a socialist lifestyle, regardless of national, cultural, linguistic or racial differences , gender, or profession. On the other hand, this concept of equality applies only to the class of the proletariat, which fights for "a world-wide proletarian dictatorship and world communism." That is, the authors of the program advocated a class approach to understanding the principle of equality, whose effect was not to extend to other classes and strata of society except the proletariat. The concept of legal equality declared in the Comintern documents has the character of equality of results - a concept whose meaning is that society and the state must guarantee equality of people through the redistribution of wealth and status in order to achieve economic and social equality. Equality in this concept is the first and greatest value compared to freedom and justice. This kind of equality is called egalitarianism and is possible only if free competition, which underlies equality of opportunity, is restricted. The Socialist Declaration of Principles adopted in Stockholm in 1989 proclaimed freedom, justice, equality and solidarity as the basic principles of the Social Democrats. In particular, it was emphasized that the Social Democrats attach equal importance to these fundamental principles and understand their interdependence. Contrary to this view, liberals and conservatives favor individual liberty at the expense of justice and solidarity, while the Communists claim to have achieved equality and solidarity, but at the expense of freedom. The Manifesto of the Liberal International declared the concept of equality of opportunity, according to which each individual should be guaranteed equal chances to succeed in life, and focused primarily on the principle of freedom in accordance with the classical principles of liberalism. In particular, the following liberal principles were proclaimed: independence of thought; respect for the human personality and the family as the foundation of society; the state is only a tool of the community; it must not assume a power which is contrary to the fundamental rights of citizens and to the conditions necessary for a responsible and creative life, namely: personal freedom, guaranteed by the independence of the administration of law and justice; freedom of religion and freedom of conscience; freedom of speech and the press; freedom to associate or not to associate; free choice of classes; the possibility of full and varied training, according to ability and regardless of birth or means; the right to private property and the right to start a separate enterprise; free choice of consumers and the opportunity to take full advantage of the productivity of the soil and the human industry; protection against disease, unemployment, disability and old age; equality between men and women. These rights and conditions can only be guaranteed by true democracy. Сonclusions. Defining in the conception of the equality principle of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals of the twentieth century there is a balance between equality and freedom. In particular, the limits of freedom and, accordingly, the content of the concept of equality are largely determined by the hierarchy of moral and legal values ​​of a particular political community over a period of time. It is also important to emphasize that the genesis of the concepts of the principle of equality in the programming documents of three influential international political organizations of the twentieth century was conditioned by a complex and contradictory process of becoming European democracy. The triumph of the social-democratic and liberal concept of equality and its consolidation in the constitutions of most European countries in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the deep disappointment of the general public of the European community with the totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government and the socio-economic progress of states with democratic forms of government.


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