scholarly journals La noción de comunidad aplicada a las pandillas transnacionales

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (44) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Hugo César Moreno Hernández
Keyword(s):  

<p align="justify">El presente artículo analiza, a través de la tensión entre hospitalidad interna y hostilidad con el exterior, las relaciones al interior de las pandillas transnacionales de El Salvador. El testimonio brindado por miembros de la Pandilla 18 y la Mara Salvatrucha 13 son las fuentes para pensar estas agrupaciones más allá de la asimilación al crimen organizado. A través de la noción lazo-de-deuda se observa cómo la hostilidad exterior impone una forma de hospitalidad de corte comunitario, en un sentido cercano al propuesto por el filósofo italiano Roberto Esposito, es decir, como una violencia hacia la sociedad como formación política. De esta manera, no se niega la proclividad de las pandillas hacia la violencia, sino que se busca comprender cómo esta violencia tiene una potencia creadora y no sólo destructiva.</p>

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (42) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Hugo César Moreno Hernández
Keyword(s):  

<p>El presente artículo presenta la visión de pandilleros salvadoreños sobre la muerte y cómo la estrecha relación que tienen con lo mortífero les lleva a una vivencia del tiempo en clave de presente casi perpetuo. Su posibilidad diacrónica sólo es posible por marcadores como el hospital, la cárcel y el cementerio. Se busca dejar oír la palabra de pandilleros salvadoreños de la Pandilla 18, tanto activos dentro del grupo como de aquellos denominados calmados. Aparece también la voz de un pandillero calmado de la Mara Salvatrucha. Es importante esta distinción en cuanto deja ver cómo la muerte se enseñorea en la vida cotidiana de estos jóvenes y adultos miembros de agrupaciones complejas simplificadas por las políticas de criminalización.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 189-202
Author(s):  
María José Méndez

Around 17,000 Salvadorans have disappeared in the third decade of the post-conflict period (2010-2020). This number more than doubles the estimated 8,000 people who disappeared during the Salvadoran Civil War (1980-1992). Despite its astounding scale, the phenomenon of disappearance in El Salvador has garnered little attention from the international community and has yet to be fully examined. This chapter redresses this invisibility by contrasting a top-down and a bottom-up view on the phenomenon. According to state government officials, disappearances primarily occur at the hands of the Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs. Those inhabiting the peripheries of El Salvador and suffering the deep psychological impact of having a missing relative also hold transnational gangs responsible. However, they connect the phenomenon to abuses by state forces and to complex entanglements between state agents and gangs. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in El Salvador in 2018, this chapter argues that the new generation of disappearances in El Salvador must be analysed in relation to a broader continuum of state violations and state-criminal relations. It also points to the crucial need to engage the perspectives of relatives of the disappeared to make fuller sense of the phenomenon


Subject Outlook for gang dialogue. Significance On January 16, the Surenos faction of the Barrio 18 gang announced its desire to join proposed dialogue between the government and its rival gang, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13). The remarks, reported in online magazine El Faro, follow calls by the MS-13 for negotiations that the gang says could ultimately lead it to disband. This comes amid continuing high levels of violence and increasing recognition that the government's hard-line approach to security is not working. Impacts The absence of a political ideology would make it difficult for the government to engage in public dialogue with gangs. Public finances would struggle to cope with the cost of any gang demobilisation process. Any moves from the MS-13 national leadership to end gang activities would be extremely difficult to implement at the local level.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


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