Peacebuilding Functions of International Environmental Governance1

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ole Kristian Fauchald

This article seeks to focus on ‘peacebuilding’ as a construct of peace among groups that have previously been in conflict. This calls for moving beyond peacemaking and conflict resolution to consider the longer-term efforts at establishing sustainable peace. Notwithstanding the longstanding efforts of UNEP’s Post-Conflict and Disaster Management Branch, there has been very limited development of international normative and institutional structures targeting the process of post-conflict sustainable peacebuilding. The article considers how far the current international environmental governance (IEG) regimes are responsive to the specific challenges to post-conflict situations. It seeks to briefly consider four key characteristics of IEG regimes: (i) Ad-hoc and subject specific; (ii) Incremental and facilitative; (iii) Degree of reciprocity; and (iv) Science-based.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Ole Kristian Fauchald

This chapter seeks to focus on ‘peacebuilding’ as a construct of peace among groups that have previously been in conflict. This calls for moving beyond peacemaking and conflict resolution to consider the longer-term efforts at establishing sustainable peace. Notwithstanding the longstanding efforts of UNEP’s Post-Conflict and Disaster Management Branch, there has been very limited development of international normative and institutional structures targeting the process of post-conflict sustainable peacebuilding. How far the current international environmental governance (IEG) regimes are responsive to the specific challenges to post-conflict situations? It seeks to briefly consider four key aspects of IEG regimes: (i) Ad- hoc and subject specific (ii) Incremental and facilitative (iii) Degree of reciprocity and (iv) Science-based.


2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Outi Korhonen

International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 329-344
Author(s):  
Jennifer S. Easterday

This chapter discusses the interplay between inclusion and accountability, using the Colombian peace process as an example. The chapter examines how inclusive input into the peace process, including a referendum, can shape the nature of accountability in post-conflict situations. Drawing on the ‘peace before justice’ debate, the chapter asks whether extensive inclusion can be an impediment to peace, or a guarantor of just peace. It discusses the role of women in the negotiations and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace It concludes that peace processes should be inclusive and promote gender equality to support sustainable peace.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Margaret Behrend

<p>Peace operations from the 1990s have increasingly been driven by the assumption that conflict and social unrest can be ‘solved’ through the establishment and support of liberal structures. Known academically as liberal peace, this approach advocates the liberalisation of politics and economics, and the establishment of rule of law and international human rights norms, claiming such liberal structures offer the necessary foundation to lasting peace. This claim has become unquestioned logic for many of the international bodies and individual actors that participate in the peace industry and has led to a standardised approach to post-conflict situations. However, is this “peacebuilding consensus” justified? Does liberal peace foster sustainable peace? This thesis interrogates the concept and application of liberal peace to assess the extent to which liberal peacebuilding delivers on its claims and provides the foundations of sustainable peace. Due to the enormous size of such a project and the limitations of this thesis, I focus on one case study in my analysis of the liberal peace approach – East Timor. Relying on a single example of peacebuilding allows for a more in depth discussion of efforts, however, it is insufficient to draw broader conclusions about liberal peace. This body of research, therefore, is intended to contribute to existing academic work that evaluates liberal peace. Where this thesis deviates from existing research, however, is in the application of an immanent critique to assess liberal peacebuilding in East Timor...</p>


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (S1) ◽  
pp. s70-s70
Author(s):  
G.V. Vroegindewey

War, conflict, and complex emergencies are major contributors to the crisis of human suffering with impacts on health, public health infrastructure, food security, economic viability, community infrastructure, and social fabric as well as the environment. Conflict mitigation and resolution are essential to the recovery and restoration of the community and health. Public health can serve as a mechanism to mitigate the impacts of conflict, serve as a bridge to resolve conflict and provide community resilience. The role of health care professionals as a “Bridge to Peace” is a critical component of conflict resolution. Health as a Bridge for Peace was formally accepted by the 51st World Health Assembly in May 1998 as a feature of the “Health for All in the 21st Century” strategy and has been demonstrated across a wide range of conflicts. Public health has attributes that make it a valuable platform for conflict resolution: it is broad, population-based, affects all parties, benefits both individuals and society, valued by recipients, and supports Universal Values. Public heath can be utilized in pre-conflict, conflict, and post-conflict situations and has been used in more than 20 conflict scenarios with Humanitarian Cease-fires, Days of Tranquility, and Safe/Peace Corridors supporting programs such as childhood vaccination days in Afghanistan to Guinea Worm Eradication in East Africa.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Margaret Behrend

<p>Peace operations from the 1990s have increasingly been driven by the assumption that conflict and social unrest can be ‘solved’ through the establishment and support of liberal structures. Known academically as liberal peace, this approach advocates the liberalisation of politics and economics, and the establishment of rule of law and international human rights norms, claiming such liberal structures offer the necessary foundation to lasting peace. This claim has become unquestioned logic for many of the international bodies and individual actors that participate in the peace industry and has led to a standardised approach to post-conflict situations. However, is this “peacebuilding consensus” justified? Does liberal peace foster sustainable peace? This thesis interrogates the concept and application of liberal peace to assess the extent to which liberal peacebuilding delivers on its claims and provides the foundations of sustainable peace. Due to the enormous size of such a project and the limitations of this thesis, I focus on one case study in my analysis of the liberal peace approach – East Timor. Relying on a single example of peacebuilding allows for a more in depth discussion of efforts, however, it is insufficient to draw broader conclusions about liberal peace. This body of research, therefore, is intended to contribute to existing academic work that evaluates liberal peace. Where this thesis deviates from existing research, however, is in the application of an immanent critique to assess liberal peacebuilding in East Timor...</p>


Author(s):  
Mudassar Javaid

In the book titled Civil War and Democracy in West Africa: Conflict Resolution Elections and Justice in Sierra Leone and Liberia, author David Harris comprehensively exemplifies how in the twenty-first century, elections are viewed and used as determinants in post-conflict settings. The author builds on the aforementioned argument while generally tracing the development of conflict resolution in Africa during the post-Cold War era, but while dedicating distinct attention to such developments in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Through the case studies of the two West African states i.e. Sierra Leone and Liberia, the author critically analyzes the emphasize accorded to the role of elections as the core of conflict termination and how the failure to participate in elections leaves states consequences which are completely uncalled for. The author lays substantial stress on questioning the role of the international community in strengthening the significance of post-conflict elections and conceptions of transitional justice, especially the emergence of the International Criminal Court (ICC) generally, alongside the emergence of ad hoc hybrid systems such as the Sierra Leone Special Court (SLSC) particularly. The author does not just illustrate a vivid picture of the literature on contemporary conflict resolution more broadly but does so specifically in relation to the African continent and the emergence of the new war notion in respect of Africa's various intra-state conflicts. Harris, in this account also provides a detailed portrayal of thematic considerations and developments in relation to the conflict in Africa, exploring the ideas of ethnicity and motivation such as greed vs grievance debate. Although the main focus of this book is conflict resolution and democratization, the study of elections as the converging point which serves as the intersection of local actors, international bodies and post-conflict elections constitutes the central thematic underpinning of the book.


2020 ◽  
pp. 252-266
Author(s):  
Elisenda Calvet Martínez ◽  
Aitor Díaz Anabitarte

The enforcement of economic, social, and cultural rights is often neglected in transitions from conflict to peace. Reconstruction programmes and initiatives of justice in post-conflict situations are still based on the paradigms of state security and criminal prosecution. However, there is a trend to recognize the importance of safeguarding the right of refugees and displaced persons to restitution of land, housing and property so that they can return to their homes and places of residence in safe and dignified conditions, with the aim of promoting the rule of law and achieving a just and lasting peace. The chapter shows the need to deepen and advance the empowerment of the right to restitution as a principle of jus post bellum in order to attain a just and sustainable peace. It claims that jus post bellum should promote ‘positive peace’.


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 377-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Schill ◽  
Myron Boor

Ss were exposed to a three-stage experimental conflict paradigm consisting of pretraining (weak conflict), conflict training (either strong conflict, strong conflict plus threat of shock for wrong responses, weak conflict, or weak conflict plus threat of shock for wrong responses), and post-conflict performance (weak conflict). The results indicated: (1) performance in a weak conflict situation was markedly affected by previous conflict exposure, (2) threat of shock associated with weak and strong conflict situations increased indecisiveness particularly in the weak conflict condition, and (3) the threat of shock groups and the strong conflict non-threat group were significantly more indecisive during the post-conflict than the weak conflict group, but the former three groups did not differ significantly from one another. These results were discussed as being more consistent with a competing-response than a dynamogenic formulation regarding the effects on the individual of exposure to conflict.


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