Before and During Iraq: Was Insurgent Lethality Impacted by the Invasion of Iraq?

Author(s):  
Daren Fisher ◽  
Victor Asal

Over the last 15 years, the literature on the impact of both the Iraq war and the September 11 terror attacks on the behavior of states and terrorist organizations has grown immensely. Despite this attention, there has been little research on how the invasion of Iraq impacted violent non-state actors (VNSAs), and particularly insurgent organizations killing of civilians and security personnel. Differentiating between the killing of police/military personnel and civilians is of key theoretical and policy importance, particularly if there are differences between the two in terms of insurgent behavior before and during the Iraq war. In this paper, we use the Big Allied and Dangerous Insurgency (BAADI) dataset to examine what factors impact the killing of police/military personnel and civilians by insurgent organizations between 1998 and 2012. We argue that before the invasion of Iraq, social and political factors influenced organizational lethality. During the Iraq war, however, we argue that this relationship changed because the United States and the West changed their policies and invested enormously in global resources to fighting non-state actors. Given this, the organizational factor that will determine an organization’s lethality would simply be the organization’s capability—captured most effectively by its size. Our analysis provides support for this argument.

2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 57-66
Author(s):  
Ghulam Muhammad Nagra ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
Muhammad Imran

Over the last four decades, the Afghan crisis has become a source of unease and turmoil in the region. It remained the cornerstone of the interests of regional as well as global powers. Moscow's mistake to intervene in Afghanistan revealed its unassailable vulnerability. After the disintegration of Soviet Union Kabul has again become the center of attention of 9/11 terror attacks and importance of US policy in the region. The United States' consistent set of interests and concerns in Afghanistan are in flux as well and many sanctuaries are deemed to be found in Pakistan from where militants can target US and its allies. Pakistan remained locked in the Afghan conflict and faced a threat of extremism and militancy in various forms. Further complicating the situation is what can only be described as rivalry among the regional powers particularly India, Iran, and Pakistan as they pursue their competing interests. The paper examines the concerns and interests of major powers in continuing conflict in Afghanistan.


Author(s):  
Caroline Kennedy-Pipe

This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy after 9/11 with a view to looking at continuities as well as the disjunctions of Washington’s engagement with the world. It first considers the impact of 9/11 on the United States, particularly its foreign policy, before discussing the influence of neo-conservatism on the making of U.S. foreign policy during the presidency of George W. Bush. It then analyses debates about the nature of U.S. foreign policy over the last few decades and its ability to create antagonisms that can and have returned to haunt the United States both at home and abroad. It also explores how increasing belief in the utility of military power set the parameters of U.S. foreign policy after 9/11, along with the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and concludes with an assessment of Barak Obama’s approach with regards to terrorism and his foreign policy agenda more generally.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Obaidi ◽  
Robin Bergh ◽  
Nazar Akrami ◽  
Gulnaz Anjum

While jihadist threats are regarded as foreign, most Islamist terror attacks in Europe and the United States have been orchestrated by Muslims born and raised in Western societies. This paper explores a link between perceived deprivation of Western Muslims and endorsement of extremism. We suggest that Western-born Muslims are particularly vulnerable to the impact of perceived relative deprivation, as comparisons with majority groups’ peers are more salient for them than for individuals born elsewhere. Thus, we hypothesized that Western-born, compared to foreign-born, Muslims would score higher on four predictors of extremism (e.g., violent intentions), and group-based deprivation would explain these differences. Studies 1-6 (Ns = 59, 232, 259, 243, 104, 366) confirmed that Western-born Muslims scored higher on all examined predictors of extremism. Mediation and meta-analysis showed that group-based relative deprivation accounted for these differences. Study 7 (N = 60) showed that these findings are not generalizable to non-Muslims.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. i-ii
Author(s):  
Karin Fischer

If I had written this essay in time for its original deadline, it would have been different in tone. Though just a month ago, it was another, now distant time. Back then I would have written about the explosion of international students on American campuses over the past decade and speculated about whether that boom had gone bust. Geopolitical tensions, global competition, visa holdups, nativism, gun violence — all have contributed to softening enrollments, with the number of new international students coming to the United States declining for three years running. But, I would have concluded, colleges are culprits, too, because their practices — including a lack of diversification of student recruitment, a failure to fully integrate international students into campus life, and insufficient investment in career counseling for students from overseas — have at times undermined the experience of international students in the U.S. And that’s a good thing, I would have suggested, because it means that higher education has the power to do something to address the hurdles that international students face. I didn’t make the February 15 deadline for inclusion in the spring issue, however, because I was increasingly pulled away to cover this frightening new respiratory disease and its impact on higher education. Back then, reporting on COVID-19 was a job for the international reporter, with the focus on what was happening abroad and its impact on student and faculty travel and collaboration. In a few short weeks, however, the coronavirus has come home, to the American campus, to America. The pandemic is upending daily life, but its impact could be especially seismic for international education, and one that those in the field have little ability to affect. All of us, everyone reading this journal, are committed to a career of crossing cultures and borders. Now, we’re house-bound. Some international students are stuck in the United States, stranded by travel bans. Others may struggle to get visas to return. Will parents, stunned by the coronavirus’ quick circumnavigation of the globe, be willing to put their children on airplanes and send them to far-away foreign campuses? It is far from clear what next week, next month, next fall, next year will bring. When I speak with some veteran international educators, they remind me of the field’s resiliency and quick rebound after the September 11th terror attacks. Others shake their head. I’ve never seen anything like this, they say. Amid all the uncertainty, one thing I do know: You will help me make sense of it. As a reporter, much of my work, by its nature, is rooted in anecdote. The research community that has built up around the Journal of International Students has helped provide rigor. The studies, both quantitative and qualitative, published here have shed light on the cultural adjustments inbound and outbound students face, given me new ways of conceiving of student identity, and highlighted the impact on labor-market outcomes of studying overseas, to name a few. The work that you do as scholars has informed the work of my readers, many of whom are practitioners, and the examined approach is often a stronger one. We all are apprehensive about international education’s future, but I am encouraged to know that there is a community committed to better understanding it.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kelsey Laura Morrison

<p>The deleterious impact of combat on psychological wellbeing has been documented as early as 490 B.C. by Greek historians (Bentley, 2005), and researchers continue to delve into this phenomenon today. Published literature in this field largely emanates from the United States and United Kingdom, whilst research from New Zealand is largely absent. The current study seeks to fill this gap with an investigation of the impact of overseas deployment on the psychological wellbeing of New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) military personnel. This study utilised data from 1410 NZDF military personnel who operationally deployed between 1 July 2015 and 31 October 2016 and completed two questionnaires: (1) immediately following deployment, and (2) six months after returning home. Regression, moderation, mediation, and path model analyses were used to analyse the data. Several key findings were obtained. Firstly, combat stressors, as expected, predicted posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms but surprisingly not psychological distress. PTSD, as expected, predicted distress. Secondly, moderation analysis revealed that experiencing medium to high levels of non-combat stressors in addition to combat stressors was likely to result in exacerbated levels of PTSD symptoms. Thirdly, demographic characteristics such as being in the Navy, being female, and not being in a relationship were all identified risk factors for poorer psychological outcomes (PTSD symptoms and psychological distress), whereas neither ethnicity nor prior deployment experience functioned as risk factors. Lastly, mediation analysis revealed that PTSD partially explained the relationship between combat events and posttraumatic growth, suggesting that PTSD symptomology may prompt military personnel to appraise outcomes from their deployment, and subsequently experience personal growth. Implications of the current research lay in the potential for improvements to be made to the education, training, and support offered by the NZDF to their service personnel.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 596-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Obaidi ◽  
Robin Bergh ◽  
Nazar Akrami ◽  
Gulnaz Anjum

Although jihadist threats are regarded as foreign, most Islamist terror attacks in Europe and the United States have been orchestrated by Muslims born and raised in Western societies. In the present research, we explored a link between perceived deprivation of Western Muslims and endorsement of extremism. We suggest that Western-born Muslims are particularly vulnerable to the impact of perceived relative deprivation because comparisons with majority groups’ peers are more salient for them than for individuals born elsewhere. Thus, we hypothesized that Western-born, compared with foreign-born, Muslims would score higher on four predictors of extremism (e.g., violent intentions), and group-based deprivation would explain these differences. Studies 1 to 6 ( Ns = 59, 232, 259, 243, 104, and 366, respectively) confirmed that Western-born Muslims scored higher on all examined predictors of extremism. Mediation and meta-analysis showed that group-based relative deprivation accounted for these differences. Study 7 ( N = 60) showed that these findings are not generalizable to non-Muslims.


Author(s):  
Diane C. Siebrandt

The creation of cities is only one example in a long list of cultural evolutions invented in Iraq. Ancient cities that flourished across Mesopotamia from 3500 BCE onwards were left largely abandoned and untouched for millennia until European explorers began excavations in the early nineteenth century. International excavations between Western and Iraqi archaeologists were eventually sponsored by Western organisations and the Iraqi antiquities authorities through the years. However, the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s caused the cessation of most joint excavations. The 2003 Iraq War further compounded problems by making it almost impossible for Western cultural heritage experts to engage one on one with their Iraqi counterparts. This chapter focuses on the use of fragile archaeological sites such as the ancient city of Babylon as major US military bases. It not only documents the damage done at such sites but also argues that when such sites were converted into military bases, the United States effectively turned once-popular public spaces into zones of exclusion, thereby contravening the basic human right of Iraqis to access their own heritage.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kelsey Laura Morrison

<p>The deleterious impact of combat on psychological wellbeing has been documented as early as 490 B.C. by Greek historians (Bentley, 2005), and researchers continue to delve into this phenomenon today. Published literature in this field largely emanates from the United States and United Kingdom, whilst research from New Zealand is largely absent. The current study seeks to fill this gap with an investigation of the impact of overseas deployment on the psychological wellbeing of New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) military personnel. This study utilised data from 1410 NZDF military personnel who operationally deployed between 1 July 2015 and 31 October 2016 and completed two questionnaires: (1) immediately following deployment, and (2) six months after returning home. Regression, moderation, mediation, and path model analyses were used to analyse the data. Several key findings were obtained. Firstly, combat stressors, as expected, predicted posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms but surprisingly not psychological distress. PTSD, as expected, predicted distress. Secondly, moderation analysis revealed that experiencing medium to high levels of non-combat stressors in addition to combat stressors was likely to result in exacerbated levels of PTSD symptoms. Thirdly, demographic characteristics such as being in the Navy, being female, and not being in a relationship were all identified risk factors for poorer psychological outcomes (PTSD symptoms and psychological distress), whereas neither ethnicity nor prior deployment experience functioned as risk factors. Lastly, mediation analysis revealed that PTSD partially explained the relationship between combat events and posttraumatic growth, suggesting that PTSD symptomology may prompt military personnel to appraise outcomes from their deployment, and subsequently experience personal growth. Implications of the current research lay in the potential for improvements to be made to the education, training, and support offered by the NZDF to their service personnel.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Haesebrouck

What accounts for the diverging contributions to multinational military operations? Over two decades ago, Bennett, Lepgold and Unger published a seminal study that aimed to explain the division of the burdens of the Desert Storm Coalition. This article reviews four recent monographs on national behaviour in multinational operations against the backdrop of their conclusions. While the four reviewed titles suggest that the bulk of the conclusions of Bennett, Lepgold and Unger’s study hold beyond the scope of the Desert Storm Coalition, each of them also makes a distinct contribution to the literature. Baltrusaitis offers three excellent case studies on burden sharing in the 2003 Iraq War, Davidson provides essential insights on the impact of alliance value and threat and the studies of Auerswald and Saideman and Mello invoke important domestic variables that were not structurally examined by Bennett, Lepgold and Unger. Altogether, the reviewed titles provide convincing explanations for the behaviour of democratic states in US-led operations. Consequently, the article concludes by arguing that the most promising avenue for future research would be to focus on military operations in which the United States has a more limited role and on the contributions of non-democratic states to multinational operations. Auerswald DP and Saideman SM (2014) NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Baltrusaitis DF (2010) Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press. Davidson J (2011) America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mello P (2014) Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raviq Ayusi

The shift of security paradigm post-cold war era has made the concept of security more complex, regarding the actor and its scope. The security dynamic trigger the emergence of new non-state actors in the security field. Private Military Security Companies (PMSC) is one of a non-state actors that provides security services. The United States as a developed country makes use of this service not only during wartime but also on other certain condition. The choice of using PMSC services is considered to have greater efficiency than the use of state military.How efficient can the United States get by hiring the PMSC? Based on the analysis, this paper argues that the US efficiency by hiring the PMSC is quite high because of the ability of the US to see the conditions, taking into account further and minimize the impact that would come. This paper will outline through three components: international security governance, the efficient use of PMSC services, and the consideration more about the impact of the use of PMSC services.


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