Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The State ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
The Caribbean

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy of Latin America and the Caribbean at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key findings include: • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the pandemic, with some countries suffering from democratic erosion or backsliding, others from democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust in democracy had been in steady decline in the decade preceding the pandemic. Citizen discontent has culminated in a protest wave hitting several countries in the region at the end of 2019. • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved structural problems of high crime and violence, political fragmentation and polarization, high poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak states. • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms have compounded the health and economic crises caused by the pandemic. This, coupled with heavy-handed approaches to curb the virus, risk further entrenching or exacerbating the concerning democratic trends observed in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • The challenges to democracy Latin America and the Caribbean during the pandemic include: the postponement of elections; excessive use of police force to enforce restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent crime and violence; new dangers for the right to privacy; increases in gender inequality and domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; reduced parliamentary oversight; political polarization and clashes between democratic institutions; new openings for corruption; and a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that rejects traditional forms of political representation. • Despite the challenges, the crisis ultimately provides a historic opportunity to redefine the terms of social contracts across the region, and for governments to think innovatively about how to open up spaces for dialogue and civic participation in order to build more inclusive, sustainable and interconnected societies, as well as more accountable, transparent and efficient democratic systems of government. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

Indigenous Political Representation in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberta Rice
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Movements

Indigenous peoples have become important social and political actors in contemporary Latin America. The politicization of ethnic identities in the region has divided analysts into those who view it as a threat to democratic stability versus those who welcome it as an opportunity to improve the quality of democracy. Throughout much of Latin America’s history, Indigenous peoples’ demands have been oppressed, ignored, and silenced. Latin American states did not just exclude Indigenous peoples’ interests; they were built in opposition to or even against them. The shift to democracy in the 1980s presented Indigenous groups with a dilemma: to participate in elections and submit themselves to the rules of a largely alien political system that had long served as an instrument of their domination or seek a measure of representation through social movements while putting pressure on the political system from the outside. In a handful of countries, most notably Bolivia and Ecuador, Indigenous movements have successfully overcome this tension by forming their own political parties and contesting elections on their own terms. The emergence of Indigenous peoples’ movements and parties has opened up new spaces for collective action and transformed the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state. Indigenous movements have reinvigorated Latin America’s democracies. The political exclusion of Indigenous peoples, especially in countries with substantial Indigenous populations, has undoubtedly contributed to the weakness of party systems and the lack of accountability, representation, and responsiveness of democracies in the region. In Bolivia, the election of the country’s first Indigenous president, Evo Morales (2006–present) of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) party, has resulted in new forms of political participation that are, at least in part, inspired by Indigenous traditions. A principal consequence of the broadening of the democratic process is that Indigenous activists are no longer forced to choose between party politics and social movements. Instead, participatory mechanisms allow civil society actors and their organizations to increasingly become a part of the state. New forms of civil society participation such as Indigenous self-rule broaden and deepen democracy by making it more inclusive and government more responsive and representative. Indigenous political representation is democratizing democracy in the region by pushing the limits of representative democracy in some of the most challenging socio-economic and institutional environments.

Refugee Rights Across Regions: A Comparative Overview of Legislative Good Practices in Latin America and the EU

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Feline Freier ◽  
Jean-Pierre Gauci
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Average Score ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Good Practices ◽  
Procedural Safeguards ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Scope Of Protection

Abstract The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified a number of legislative good practices in Latin American asylum and refugee laws. At the same time, academics and policy-makers have long called for cross-regional comparative analyses of policies and laws to allow different regions to learn from each other’s best practices. In this article, we compare refugee legislations of Latin American countries with European Union protection standards based on UNHCR’s legislative good practices across three areas: (i) Core Principles and Scope of Protection; (ii) Procedural Safeguards and Guarantees for Vulnerable Groups; and (iii) Integration. We find that six of 19 refugee laws in Latin America provide more expansive protection than the Common European Asylum System framework, whereas other Latin American countries fall behind. The gap between Latin American legislations and European Union protection standards is closer regarding procedural safeguards, the protection of vulnerable groups, and integration provisions. Finally, Latin American countries, on average, score significantly below the European Union regarding the core principles of asylum and the scope of protection. In the second part of the article, we engage in a qualitative discussion of these legislative good practices to allow for cross-fertilization, and deliver policy recommendations.

scholarly journals FURTADO VS. PREBISCH: A LATIN AMERICAN CONTROVERSY

2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (306) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca ◽  
Ivan Colangelo Salomão
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Development Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
Executive Secretary ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
America Latina

<p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The second half of the 1950s saw a conflict between Raúl Prebisch —the Executive Secretary of Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)— and Celso Furtado, who was one of the most respected economists in the institution. The conflict is little explored in the literature and, somehow, it has become taboo within the institution itself, since it motivated Furtado’s abandonment of ECLAC in 1957. By investigating two official documents they prepared to subsidize the Argentinian and the Mexican governments, the current study highlights the main differences regarding anti-inflation and external insertion policies and, taking a broader view, the role played by the State in leading the development process.</p><p align="center"> </p><p align="center">FURTADO VS. PREBISCH: UNA CONTROVERSIA LATINOAMERICANA</p><p align="center"><strong>RESUMEN</strong></p>En la segunda mitad de la década de 1950 se registró un conflicto entre Raúl Prebisch, el Secretario Ejecutivo de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), y Celso Furtado, uno de los economistas más respetados de la institución. El conflicto está poco explorado en la literatura y se ha convertido en un tabú dentro de la propia institución, ya que motivó el abandono de la CEPAL por parte de Furtado en 1957. Al investigar dos documentos oficiales que ellos prepararon para subsidiar a los gobiernos de Argentina y México, el presente artículo destaca las principales diferencias respecto a las políticas de combate a la inflación y de inserción externa y, a partir de una visión más amplia, el papel desempeñado por el Estado en la conducción del proceso de desarrollo.

Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2021

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Tax Revenue ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Joint Work ◽  
Development Centre ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Consistent Basis ◽  
The Eu

This report compiles comparable tax revenue statistics over the period 1990-2019 for 27 Latin American and Caribbean economies. Based on the OECD Revenue Statistics database, it applies the OECD methodology to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to enable comparison of tax levels and tax structures on a consistent basis, both among the economies of the region and with other economies. This publication is jointly undertaken by the OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration, the OECD Development Centre, the Inter-American Center of Tax Administrations (CIAT), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The 2021 edition is produced with the support of the EU Regional Facility for Development in Transition for Latin America and the Caribbean, which results from joint work led by the European Union, the OECD and its Development Centre, and ECLAC.

The State of Human Opportunities for Children in the Latin America and the Caribbean Region: 1995-2010

2011 ◽  
pp. 45-84
Author(s):  
José R. Molinas Vega ◽  
Ricardo Paes de Barros ◽  
Jaime Saavedra Chanduvi ◽  
Marcelo Giugale ◽  
Louise J. Cord ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The State ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The Caribbean

The Concept of the Caribbean in the Latin American Policy of the United States

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-308
Author(s):  
Harold Molineu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The Past ◽  
Caribbean Area ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
Special Region

During the past twenty years, the United States has been involved in three cases of armed intervention in Latin America: Guatemala in 1954, Cuba in 1961, and the Dominican Republic in 1965. In addition, there was the naval blockade and possibility of intervention in Cuba in 1962 during the missile crisis. Each of these episodes occurred in the Caribbean region (defined as including those areas either in or adjacent to the Caribbean Sea). There were no similar armed interventions elsewhere in Latin America during this period, and in fact, all of the incidents of United States armed intervention in the Twentieth Century have taken place in the Caribbean area. Therefore, in its actions in Latin America, the United States appears to distinguish between the Caribbean area and the rest of the continent. The Caribbean is treated as a special region where military intervention is apparently more justifiable than elsewhere in Latin America. Only in the area outside the Caribbean has Washington found it possible to abide by its inter-American treaty commitments to nonintervention.

scholarly journals Composed Index for the Evaluation of Energy Security in Power Systems within the Frame of Energy Transitions—The Case of Latin America and the Caribbean

Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (9) ◽  
pp. 2467
Author(s):  
Sergio Fuentes ◽  
Roberto Villafafila-Robles ◽  
Joan Rull-Duran ◽  
Samuel Galceran-Arellano
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Power Systems ◽  
Power System ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Electrical Systems ◽  
Energy Transitions ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Time Frames

Energy transitions are transforming energy systems around the globe. Such a shift has caused the power system to become a critical piece of infrastructure for the economic development of every nation on the planet. Therefore, guaranteeing its security is crucial, not only for energy purposes but also as a part of a national security strategy. This paper presents a multidimensional index developed to assess energy security of electrical systems in the long term. This tool, named the Power System Security Index (PSIx), which has been previously used for the evaluation of a country in two different time frames, is applied to evaluate the member countries of the Latin American Energy Organization, located within the Latin America and the Caribbean region, to measure its performance on energy security. Mixed results were obtained from the analysis, with clear top performers in the region such as Argentina, while there are others with broad areas of opportunity, as is the case of Haiti.

scholarly journals BIREGIONAL COOPERATION FOR ADVANCING GAMIFICATION IN TRANSPORT POLICIES AND INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioana Antoaneta DODI
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Transport ◽  
Best Practice ◽  
Energy Savings ◽  
Energy Transport ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Heads Of State

The globalization process is constantly growing and actors in the international scene have to find ways to adapt to the changes that this makeover involves. Therefore, there has been an increased cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean in many policy areas, including transport, especially in terms of access, affordability and sustainability. The Vienna Declaration of the Fourth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2006 mentions the encouragement towards European and Latin American and Caribbean financial institutions to support physical integration by means of interconnectivity, network infrastructures, notably in the fields of energy, transport, telecommunications and research. The Lima Declaration of the Fifth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2008 moves a step forward and comprises the fact that the states from the two regions will develop bi-regional energy cooperation regarding improvement of energy services, inter alia, in the metropolitan public transport. Moreover, the Madrid Declaration of the Sixth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2010 refers to energy savings in all sectors of the economies, including transports, meanwhile the Santiago Declaration of the First UE-CELAC Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2013 prioritises the improvement of policies and providing, among others, adequately resourced basic health services, water and sanitation, housing, education, public transport and energy, besides strengthening the Latin America Investment Facility, to improve integration, energy and transport infrastructures, energy efficiency, renewable energy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse best practice cases from both regions in terms of gamification of transport policies and infrastructure, in order to highlight the the potential of the biregional consolidated cooperation for advancing gamification (in view of modern, sustainable, affordable, efficient transport policies, networks and infrastructure), the financial and political instruments that can be used in this sense and the mutual benefits that it would bring for the participant actors.

scholarly journals Breastfeeding and the nutritional transition in the Latin American and Caribbean Region: a success story?

2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (suppl 1) ◽  
pp. S119-S127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Pérez-Escamilla
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Breastfeeding Duration ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Demographic And Health Surveys ◽  
Rural And Urban Areas ◽  
The Caribbean

The objectives of this paper are to examine recent breastfeeding duration trends in Latin America and the Caribbean to document: (a) rural-urban differentials, (b) differences in educational levels, and (c) changes in breastfeeding duration across time. Secondary data analyses were conducted with 23 Demographic and Health Surveys collected between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s. Results indicate that median breastfeeding duration is still greater in rural (as compared to urban) areas and among less (versus more) educated women, although these differentials are decreasing with time. In five of the six countries examined for secular trends, breastfeeding duration continues to increase in both rural and urban areas. Breastfeeding duration in urban and rural areas was strongly correlated within countries. Breastfeeding duration improved more among women with the highest and declined among those with the lowest levels of education. Results indicate that breastfeeding duration has increased in Latin America and the Caribbean at a time when the opposite was predicted, given the region's increased urbanization. Breastfeeding protection policies and promotion programs may explain part of the increase in breastfeeding duration.

scholarly journals Composed Index for the Evaluation of Energy Security in Power Systems within the frame of Energy Transitions – The case of Latin America and the Caribbean

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fuentes ◽  
Roberto Villafafila-Robles ◽  
Joan Rull-Duran ◽  
Samuel Galceran-Arellano
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Power Systems ◽  
Power System ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Critical Infrastructure ◽  
Energy System ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Energy Transitions ◽  
The Caribbean

Energy transitions are reshaping the global energy system. Such shift has taken the power system to become a critical infrastructure for achieving economic development of every nation in the planet, therefore, guaranteeing its security is crucial, not only for energy purposes but as a part of a national security strategy. This paper presents a multi-dimensional index developed to assess energy security of electrical systems in the long term. This tool, named Power System Security Index (PSIx), and which has been previously used for the evaluation of a country in two different time frames, is applied to evaluate the member countries of the Latin American Energy Organization, located within the Latin America and the Caribbean region, in order to measure their performance on energy security. Mixed results were obtained from the analysis, with clear top performers in the region such as Argentina, while there are others with broad areas of opportunity, as it is the case of Haiti.

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