Urban art, public space, and political subversion: The Egyptian revolution through graffiti Arte urbano, espacio público y subversión política la revolución egipcia a través del graffiti Art urbain, espace public et subversion politique : La révolution égyptienne à travers du graffiti

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-117
Author(s):  
Pedro Buendía

The emergence of graffiti's urban subculture as a means of political expression has become a singular issue of the so-called Arab Spring. Graffiti and urban art, which had little to no relevance in the Arab world until now, emerged with unusual force in many countries, notably in the Palestinian territories, Lebanon, and Egypt. This blossoming takes shape in tangent with the strengthening of a civil society and its rise as a decisive actor in the new political arena. In Egypt's case, graffiti achieved a leading role that reflected the milestones of civil disturbance, marking the walls with virtual snapshots of the popular sentiment. The proliferation of graffiti also had considerable resonance in international media because of the strategy of spreading rebellious and subversive slogans by means of the symbolic occupation of a public space, which, until now, was monopolized by authoritarian powers.Spanish Un fenómeno singular de la denominada “Primavera Árabe“ ha sido la eclosión de la subcultura urbana del graffiti como medio de expresión política. De escasa o nula relevancia hasta ahora, el arte urbano de las pintadas ha surgido con una fuerza inusitada en varias zonas del mundo árabe, notoriamente en los Territorios Palestinos, el Líbano y Egipto. Dicho florecimiento cuaja en paralelo con la rearticulación de la sociedad civil y su irrupción irreversible como actor de los nuevos escenarios políticos. En el caso de Egipto, los graffitis han tenido un señalado protagonismo como reflejo de los sucesivos hitos de las revueltas, marcando los muros y paredes con verdaderas instantáneas del sentir popular. La proliferación del graffiti ha tenido asimismo una considerable resonancia en los medios internacionales, debido a la estrategia de ocupar simbólicamente el espacio público, -que hasta ahora estaba reservado al monopolio de los poderes autoritarios- para la difusión de consignas contestatarias y subversivas.French Un phénomène singulier de la “printemps arabe“ a été l'émergence de la culture urbaine du graffiti comme un moyen d'expression politique. Avec peu ou pas d'importance jusqu'à ce jour, l'art urbain et le graffiti ont émergé avec une force inhabituelle dans diverses régions du monde arabe, notamment dans les Territoires Palestiniens, le Liban et l'Égypte. Ce e éclosion doit être mise en parallèle avec le renforcement de la société civile et son émergence comme acteur décisif dans le nouveau scénario politique. Dans le cas de l'Égypte, le graffiti a joué un rôle clé comme reflet des jalons successifs des révoltes, en marquant les murs avec des instantanés virtuelles du sentiment populaire. La prolifération des graffitis a rencontré aussi un écho remarquable dans les médias internationaux en raison de la stratégie d'occupation symbolique de l'espace public pour la diffusion des slogans rebelles et subversifs; un espace public qui était réservé jusqu'à aujourd'hui aux pouvoirs autoritaires.

Author(s):  
Cecilia Sarabia Ríos ◽  
Nemesio Castillo Viveros

Las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil en Chihuahua han desarrollado un proceso de reflexión e innovación en cuanto a estrategias de participación en el espacio público y en el posicionamiento de sus demandas sociales en la agenda oficial. En esta investigación, se analiza el origen y los cambios provocados por la implementación de las políticas económicas neoliberales en México y su correspondencia con los registrados en la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, en particular, con sus organizaciones. Se expone el caso del Plan Estratégico de Juárez como ejemplo emblemático en los procesos de adaptación, innovación e incidencia en la toma de decisiones, y se argumenta a favor de una lógica de adaptación y resistencia ante las políticas neoliberales del Estado Mexicano, a través de la definición, negociación y renegociación con sus instituciones.Palabras clave: Neoliberalismo y Sociedad civil, y Organizaciones Development and incidence of Civil Society Organizations in Chihuahua, MexicoSummaryThe Civil Society Organizations in Chihuahua have developed a process of reflection and innovation regarding strategies of participation in the public space and the positioning of their social demands in the official agenda. In this research, we analyze the origin and changes caused by the implementation of neoliberal economic policies in Mexico and their correspondence with those registered in the relationship between the State and civil society, in particular, with their organizations. The case of the Juarez Strategic Plan is presented as an emblematic example in the processes of adaptation, innovation and incidence in decision-making, and it is argued in favor of a logic of adaptation and resistance to the neoliberal policies of the Mexican State, through the definition, negotiation and renegotiation with its institutions.Keywords: Neoliberalism and Civil society, and Organizations Développement et impact des organisations de la société civile à Chihuahua, MexiqueRésuméLes organisations de la société civile à Chihuahua ont développé un processus de réflexion et d’innovation à propos des stratégies de participation dans l’espace public et du positionnement de leurs demandes sociales dans l’agenda officielle. Dans cette recherche, nous analysons l’origine et les changements provoqués par la mise en œuvre des politiques économiques néolibérales au Mexique et leur corrélation avec ceux observés dans la relation entre l’Etat et la société civile, en particulier avec ses organisations. Nous présentons le cas du Plan Stratégique de Juárez en tant qu’exemple emblématique des processus d’adaptation, d’innovation et d’impact dans la prise de décision et nous argumentons en faveur d’une logique d’adaptation et de résistance face aux politiques néolibérales de l’Etat mexicain, au travers de la définition, négociation et renégociation avec ses institutions.Mots-clés: Néolibéralisme, Société civile, Organisations


Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.


Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Cristina Amescua Chávez

En este artículo se analizará el tema de la violencia como causa y consecuencia del secuestro virtual buscando integrar sus dimensiones tanto individuales o personales, como familiares y colectivas. Desde una perspectiva social se dará cuenta de las diversas interacciones entre los factores que se entrelazan en este nuevo fenómeno. La violencia será entendida aquí como un ciclo continuo que se reproduce a sí mismo en forma de espiral. Para el análisis se utilizarán datos cuantitativos recabados tanto en instancias gubernamentales como a través de organismos de la sociedad civil, así como información cualitativa proporcionada por un estudio de caso de un secuestro virtual.Abstract: This article analyzes violence both as a cause and as a consequence of virtual kidnapping seeking to integrate individual and collective dimensions. From a social perspective, visibility will be given to the several interactions present in this new phenomenon. Violence will be understood as a continuous cycle reproducing itself constantly but in a spiral form. The analysis will draw from quantitative data collected among official sources as well as non governmental organizations, but it will also include a qualitative perspective build a case study of a specific virtual kidnapping.Résumé : Cet article analyse la violence comme cause et effet du kidnapping virtuel, en prenant en compte ses dimensions individuelles et collectives. Dans une perspective sociale, nous examinons les diverses interactions et facteurs en jeu dans ce nouveau phénomène. La violence est ici comprise comme un cycle continu qui se reproduit luimême sous la forme d’une spirale ascendante. L’analyse part de données quantitatives provenant aussi bien d’institutions gouvernementales que d’organismes de la société civile, ainsi que de données qualitatives fournies par une étude de cas d’un kidnapping virtuel.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-875
Author(s):  
Ayyad Echine

The Arab world, starting from December 2010 onward, has witnessed unprecedented revolutions during which many long-lasting Arab leaders were unseated. Western media has allotted much coverage to the uprisings especially in nations, such as Egypt, with which the West, namely the U.S, shares mutual political ambitions in the Middle East. This study analyses a sample of 101 editorials headlines that were written, between 2011 and 2018, by the NYT, the WP, the Guardian and the Telegraph and suggests that these papers treatment of the revolutions is reflective of Orientalist conceptualizations that inferiorize Egypt and the Egyptians. The study draws on Edward Saids postcolonial model of Orientalism (1978) to make sense of the selected sample and targets two main areas in critical media studies quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA), to uncover whether or not the four newspapers editorials headlines are suggestive of Orientalist modes of thought. The study concludes that the coverage under scrutiny connects the West with the East in a way that is characterized by power relations wherein the West is having the upper hand, and thus producing a rhetoric that is stereotypical and Orientalist.


Author(s):  
Boutheina Ben Hassine

This article is a review of the dynamics of the evolution of feminist movements in Tunisia starting in the third decade of the 20th century. These movements took advantage of the influence of the Nahda movement in the 19th century, which prompted the Arab world to modernize education and to involve women mainly in vocational education. The executives of the patriarchal society encouraged polygamy, while the French Protectorate and the Catholic Church targeted Tunisian women as a means of spreading French culture. In the 1920s, the national focus was on the education of women and encouraging their presence in the public space. When journalist Tahar Haddad wrote in favor of abandoning the veil, many nationalists (including President Habib Bourguiba) refused his idea, as the veil was seen as a symbol of Tunisian cultural identity, one transmitted specifically by women. This controversy over the veil is considered the beginning of Tunisian nationalism. By the 1930s, Tunisian women were no longer a central object of polemics and political discussion. They created new feminist associations: The Muslim Women’s Union of Tunisia (1936–1955), the Union of Tunisian Women (1944–1963), and the Union of Tunisian Girls (1945–1963). These associations worked within Tunisian society to help women overcome poverty, economic doldrums, and war, and they participated in Tunisia’s war of independence. Meanwhile, President Bourguiba focused on women in the struggle to modernize the country following independence. The achievement of personal status on August 13, 1956, was a revolutionary event in Africa. The National Union of Women of Tunisia became the machine of President Bourguiba, the “supreme fighter,” to educate women, control birth rates, and build the image of the Tunisian nation. Several women, including Radhia Haddad and Fathia Mzali, were involved in implementing this Bourguibian policy. But this policy led to difficulties—essentially, Bourguiba’s eventual return to a conservative and patriarchal model. The economic crisis of the 1970s deeply affected women, especially female workers in the textile industry. Intellectuals created the Tahar Haddad Club as a response to the hardening of the political regime and the Islamization of society. University women mobilized to create the Association of Tunisian Academic Women for Research and Development (TAWRD), with the motto of equal opportunities for men and women. After Zine El Abidine Ben Ali demolished the Bourguibian regime, he instituted a feminist policy to gain political legitimacy. He encouraged women ministers to promote women’s rights in the Ministry of Social Affairs. Ben Ali’s policy also redefined the prerogatives of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Children. His quest for legitimacy over his predecessor led him to undertake a major reform of the Code of Personal Status (CPS). The Ministry of Women, Family, and Children put more attention into studies and research on women by creating the CREDIF (Center for Research, Documentation, and Information on Women). But all these measures did not prevent Ben Ali’s regime from being fascist. The 2011 Revolution has been of great benefit for women’s rights, despite the rise of religious conservatism and radicalism, because it allowed parity in electoral lists and criminalized violence against women. Feminist associations doubled in number and multiplied actions for equality. More recently, from 2014–2019, the president of the republic, Beji Caid Essebssi, created a committee to enact laws on equality in matters of succession.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jekaterina Lavrinec

Reconstructing the mutation of a ‘blind walker’ into the figure of reflexive urban activist, who proposes creative solutions to the problems of de-activated public spaces, urban art interventions are comprehended as a tool for re-inventing and revitalising urban settings while initiating intensive interaction and cooperation between citizens. The idea to arrange ‘emotionally moving situations’ so as to activate reflexive attitude of the citizens toward everyday urban settings was proposed by situationists. By disturbing usual everyday rhythms and trajectories, urban art interventions, flash mobs and urban games establish a reflexive distance from the usual, routine ‘choreography’ of the place and propose alternative scenarios of behaviour in public space. Therefore urban art interventions can be considered as a tool for creative reconceptualization of spatial structures and social order, embedded in urban space. Santrauka Remiantis M. de Certeau pasiūlyta miestelėno „aklumo” metafora, kuri nurodo į nerefleksyvų santykį su kasdiene aplinka, straipsnyje rekonstruojama šios miestelėno figūros transformacija į miesto aktyvistą („miesto kuratorių”), kuris reaguoja į miesto problemas ir ieško kūrybinių šių problemų sprendimų. Aktyvaus santykio su miesto aplinka modelis buvo plėtojamas dar situacionistų (I. Chtcheglovas, G. Debord‘as, A. Kotányi ir kt.), kurie ieškojo kasdienio miesto patyrimo suspendavimo technikų (pavyzdžiui, dreifavimas) ir siūlė reorganizuoti miesto erdves, kad jos imtų produkuoti „emocionaliai paveikias situacijas”. šios paieškos paskatino situacionistus plėtoti „unitarinio urbanizmo” koncepciją. Šiuolaikiniams miestams susiduriant su deaktyvuotų viešųjų erdvių problema, „emocionaliai paveikių situacijų” kūrimo idėja atgimsta nauju pavidalu. Meninės intervencijos į viešąsias erdves, flash-mobai ir miesto žaidimai ardo įprastus elgesio scenarijus, steigia refleksyvųatstumą su rutininiu miesto patyrimu, o taip pat skatina naujųmiesto ritualų atsiradimą bei formuoja emocinį miesto reljefą. Intervencijos į viešąsias erdves gali būti analizuojamos ir kaip refleksijos forma, ir kaip aktualių miesto problemų(viešųjų erdviųdeaktyvavimo) sprendimo būdas.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzy Braye ◽  
Michael Preston-Shoot

English In the context of debates about social work’s relationship with individuals, the state and civil society, educators face a challenge. How best to ensure that professional education prepares practitioners to engage with the task of promoting social justice and human rights? This article draws on a systematic knowledge review of learning, teaching and assessment of one key subject area in social work education - that of law - to explore the contribution legal knowledge and skills can make to social work’s engagement with its vision of empowerment and liberation. French Dans le contexte des débats concernant les interactions entre travailleurs sociaux, individus, l'Ütat et la société civile, les éducateurs font face à des défis. Comment s'assurer que la formation professionnelle prépare les futurs praticiens à s'engager dans la promotion de la justice sociale et des droits humains? Cet article est fondé sur une recension systématique des connaissances sur l'apprentissage, l'enseignement et l'évaluation d'un sujet clé dans la formation des travailleurs sociaux, celui du droit. Il explore la contribution que le développement des connaissances et des habiletés en matières légales peut accomplir pour l'implication des travailleurs sociaux dans 'l'empowerment' et la libération, tels que stipulés dans la définition internationale du travail social en tant que vision de ce travail. Spanish Los educadores de trabajo social tienen ante sí un reto: la relación entre individuos, el estado y la sociedad civil 'Cómo asegurarse que la formación profesional ayude a la promoción de la justicia social y los derechos humanos? Se hace una revisión sistemática del aprendizaje, enseñanza y evaluación de un área clave en la formación del trabajador social el de la ley. Se explora cómo el conocimiento y las destrezas legales pueden contribuir a la visión de apoderamiento y liberación propia del trabajo social.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Clare R. Hermoso ◽  
Carmen Geanina Luca

English This article discusses civil society’s role in the process of local development undertaken by countries transitioning towards democracy, comparing and contrasting the experiences of the Philippines and Romania. The study illuminates the limits and possibilities offered by the democratization process in terms of how civil-society organizations can participate more meaningfully in local development and in establishing structures of democracy. French Cet article examine le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de développement local entrepris dans deux pays en transition vers la démocratie, les Philippines et la Roumanie. L'étude met en lumière les limites et les possibilités du processus de démocratisation quant à la participation des organisations civiles dans le développement et l'établissement de structures démocratiques. Spanish Se explora el papel de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo local llevado a cabo en países en transición hacia la democracia. Se compara la experiencia de Las Filipinas, Rumania. Se iluminan los límites y posibilidades ofrecidas por el proceso de democratización en ambos países en términos de cómo las organizaciones civiles pueden participar de una forma significativa en el desarrollo local y en el establecimiento de estructuras democráticas.


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