scholarly journals Negotiating the Nation in History

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-35
Author(s):  
Henrik Åström Elmersjö

This article explores the discussions concerning history textbooks that occurred within the Swedish State Approval Scheme for Textbooks (Statens läroboksnämnd) from 1945 to 1983. By focusing on the negotiation of nationhood and the process of textbook approval as an arena for the renegotiation of ways in which history was taught in schools, the article reveals that nationalistic sentiment associated with the historical discipline was challenged by intercultural and materialist discourses during the period under examination. However, much of the debate within the State Approval Scheme for Textbooks indicates that an ethnic nationalist discourse and competing discourses introduced in new syllabi for history education after 1945 tended to converge.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  

Article 370 of Indian Constitution that offered a special status to the state of Jammu Kashmir .It is also divided the state of Jammu Kashmir in to Union territories, Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir and Union territory of Ladakh .The demand for abrogation of Article 370 was a part of chauvinistic nationalist discourse that wanted to rid Kashmir of its unique status, This anti Kashmir politics has been much part of Jammu‘s political vocabulary. In some ways, to the residents of Jammu Article 370 implied Kashmir’s political dominance as Kashmiri Leadership used it to denied resident status to many group such as West Pakistan Hindu refugees of Punjabi Dalits who had settled in Jammu back in 1950s.On 5 august 2019 Indian government took a strong decision by moved a resolution to effectively abolish Article 370, which gives special powers to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The government also introduced a Bill to divide the state into two Union territories -- Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh. The emphasis of this research is that what are the positive Impact on Growth & Stability and The Negative Impact of revocation of 370 and how different political parties reacted to the revocation of Article 370 from Kashmir. Analysis and concrete viewpoint of politician have been amalgamated in this paper.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Troy Paddock

This article examines the influence of Friedrich Ratzel’s idea of the struggle for space and its impact on cultural and national development depicted in German geography and history textbooks from the Wilhelmine era to the Third Reich. Ratzel’s concept of bio-geography conceived the state as a living organism that is the product of humanity’s interaction with the land and also facilitates humanity’s spread across the earth. German textbooks promoted a similar concept of the state in their portrayal of geography and history, the implications of which were appropriated by the National Socialists to support their geopolitical goals.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimly Ngoun

Existing studies of the Thai–Cambodian conflict over the Khmer temple of Preah Vihear tend to focus on the historical and legal dimensions of the contested claims and on Thailand's role. This article examines the conflict from within Cambodia, through the rhetoric of the Cambodian state elites and the views of residents of Preah Vihear province. The state has endeavoured to create and propogate a view that development projects in this province are an expression of Khmer pride as well as important for nation-building and border defence. Residents of the border region, however, view such nationalist discourse through their everyday experiences, giving local meaning to terms such as development, nation and heritage.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karina Korostelina

Many scholars stress that teaching about the shared past plays a major role in the formation of national, ethnic, religious, and regional identities, in addition to influencing intergroup perceptions and relations. Through the analysis of historic narratives in history textbooks this paper shows how the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine uses state controlled history education to define their national identity and to present themselves in relations to each other. For example, history education in Ukraine portrays Russia as oppressive and aggressive enemy and emphasizes the idea of own victimhood as a core of national identity. History education in the Russian Federation condemns Ukrainian nationalism and proclaims commonality and unity of history and culture with Russian dominance over “younger brother, Ukraine”. An exploration of the mechanisms that state-controlled history education employs to define social identities in secondary school textbooks can provide an early warning of potential problems being created between the two states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Kühberger ◽  
Christoph Bramann ◽  
Zarah Weiß ◽  
Detmar Meurers

The purpose of history education in Austria has changed over at least the last decade. While the focus used to be to give students a master narrative of the national past based on positivist knowledge, the current objective of history education is to foster historical thinking processes that enable students to form transferable skills in the self-reflected handling and creation of history. A key factor in fostering historical thinking is the appropriation of learning tasks. This case study measures the complexity of learning tasks in Austrian history textbooks as one important aspect of their quality. It makes use of three different approaches to complexity to triangulate the notion: general task complexity (GTC), general linguistic complexity (GLC), and domain-specific task complexity (DTC). The question is which findings can be offered by the specific strengths and limitations of the different methodological approaches to give new insights into the study of task complexity in the domain of history education research. By pursuing multidisciplinary approaches in a triangulating way, the case study opens up new prospects for this field. Besides offering new insights on measuring the complexity of learning tasks, the study illustrates the need for further research in this field – not only related to the development of analytical frameworks, but also regarding the notion of complexity in the context of historical learning itself.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-93
Author(s):  
Vera Lazzaretti

After the Babri mosque in the northern Indian city of Ayodhya was destroyed in 1992 by mobs of ‘volunteers’ mobilised by Hindu nationalist forces, a deed of license between the Uttar Pradesh Sunni Central Waqf Board and the Uttar Pradesh state government was signed. Through this license a portion of land in the Gyan Vapi mosque premises in Banaras (Varanasi) was handed over to the state for security purposes. The Gyan Vapi mosque is less than fifty meters from the Kashi Vishvanath temple, a notable Hindu pilgrimage destination. Although at the centre of security issues for centuries, the mosque has been a target of the Hindu nationalist movement that since the 1980s has aimed at the ‘liberation’ of allegedly originally Hindu places of worship. By analysing the evolution of security discourses in local Hindi newspapers and drawing on ethnography of everyday policing at the Kashi Vishvanath-Gyan Vapi compound, this article discusses moral frictions involved in securing a contested place of worship and argues that scopes and objects of securitisation can shift. In the case I discuss, the predominately Hindu police are shown to play an ambiguous role, caught as they are between their duty to secure the disputed mosque and their likely adherence to the increasingly dominant Hindu nationalist discourse. In overcoming these moral frictions, police through their everyday activity contribute to the shift of the object of securitisation from the mosque to the more ‘acceptable’ temple.


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