German Hegemony? The Federal Republic of Germany in Post Cold War European Affairs

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-108
Author(s):  
Luke B. Wood

Germany’s increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin’s power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German “tandem” in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany.

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Mälksoo ◽  
Margarita Šešelgytė

This article examines the self-positioning of the three Baltic states in international politics in relation to the major structural pressures challenging the status quo of the transatlantic security configuration. The constitutive role of the Russia-Georgia war of 2008, the global economic recession, the debt crisis in the eurozone, and the shifting policy preferences and force projection of the United States towards Asia are explored as the key sources of the emerging Baltic security predicament. The empirical conclusions of the poststructuralist discourse analysis conducted for this study demonstrate how the Baltic states, in particular Estonia, have recently come to redefine the contents of ‘new’ Europe, thereby shifting the extant fault lines within the European Union.


2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-721

In July, the United States, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and other allies attributed a variety of malicious cyber activities, including the Microsoft Exchange hack, to China. This joint attribution builds on commitments made in June summits with NATO, the G7, the EU, and the United Kingdom, and is consistent with the Biden administration's multilateral approach to confronting cybersecurity threats and China more generally. Still, critics question whether the administration's efforts will succeed in altering the behavior of states that pose cybersecurity threats to the United States.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Peter Svik

This article assesses the role of the Czechoslovak coup d’état in February 1948 in the establishment of the Brussels Pact a month later and formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in April 1949. The article places these developments in the larger context of post-1945 national security policymaking in several countries, weighing the impact of the Czechoslovak coup on relations among seven countries on national security issues at the outset of the Cold War: Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom, the three Benelux countries, and the United States. The article shows that the only proper way to evaluate the effect of the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia on the formation of the Western alliance is by looking at the considerations present in each country and seeing how they interacted with one another. The Czechoslovak factor varied in its magnitude from country to country.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Józef Fiszer

The study is devoted to Poland’s accession to NATO and the European Union (EU) and describes Germany’s stance on Poland’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations after 1989, which, despite various assessments, was not explicit and enthusiastic. However, it evolved gradually and was determined by a difficult internal situation after the reunification of Germany and its new geopolitics and geoeconomics. For Germany that reunified on 3 October 1990, an issue of greater importance than Polish accession to NATO and the EU was the presence of Soviet troops on the territory of the former GDR and normalization of relations with neighbors, particularly with France, Poland, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Both France and the United Kingdom, as well as the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent, the United States initially were afraid of a reunified Germany and opposed Polish membership in Euro-Atlantic structures. At the time, hopes and fears were rife about the future of Europe. A common question was being asked in Paris, London, Moscow, Washington, and Warsaw – would reunified Germany remain a European state, or would Europe become German? Should Germany stay in NATO or leave after the reunification? There were questions also about Moscow’s policy towards reunified Germany and its position on Poland’s accession to Euro-Atlantic structures. Unfortunately, for a long time, it was negative. Today, thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, we can see that the black scenarios that were outlined in 1989-1990 did not actually come true. Despite the fears, those events opened the way for Poland to “return to Europe” and to gain membership in Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the European Union (EU). The path was not at all simple and it was not easy for Poland to make it through. In the study the author analyses subjective and objective difficulties related to Poland's accession to NATO and the EU and describes the evolution and role of Germany in this process.


Author(s):  
Georgia Jenkins

AbstractThis article explores whether an extended doctrine of implied consent can better balance copyright interests in the digital environment, particularly users’ access to digital content. Implied licences are analysed from a variety of jurisdictions including the United Kingdom, the European Union, Germany, the United States and Australia to submit that the role of implied consent emerges as a fundamental legal principle in both common and civil law jurisdictions. Given the significance of consent within the doctrine of exhaustion, the article also evaluates its application in the digital environment and the extent to which this could impact the proposal for an extended doctrine of implied consent. The boundaries of the extended doctrine along with its practical impact will be assessed through an example illustrating users’ access and interaction with digital content. It then becomes clear from the discussion that follows, that an extended doctrine of implied consent has the potential to balance copyright interests in the digital environment due to its status as a fundamental legal principle and inherent flexibility to consider a range of factors regarding users’ subsequent use of digital content.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 771-777

The Council established by Article 9 of the North Atlantic treaty held its first session in Washington on Sept. 17, 1949. Representatives of the parties to the treaty attending this first session were:For Belgium — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Paul Van Zeeland.For Canada — The Secretary of State for External Affairs, Mr. Lester B. Pearson.For Denmark — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Gustav Rasmussen.For France — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Robert Schuman.For Iceland — The Minister to the United States, Mr. Thor Thors.For Italy — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Sforza.For Luxembourg — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Josef Bech.For the Netherlands — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Dirk U. Stikker.For Norway — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Halvard M. Lange.For Portugal — The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jose Caeiro da Matta.For the United Kingdom — The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ernest Bevin.For the United States — The Secretary of State, Mr. Dean Acheson.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
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Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


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