scholarly journals Merkel's Nachsommermärchen?

2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Eric Langenbacher

Not once during the campaign—or actually over the whole course of theseventeenth Bundestag (2009-2013)—was it ever really in doubt that AngelaMerkel would continue as chancellor after the 22 September 2013 parliamentaryelection. Despite the vicissitudes of governing for eight years, mostin the midst of the financial and Euro crisis, she has achieved and sustainedsome of the highest approval ratings of any postwar German politician. Voterstrust Merkel as a good manager of the economy and an honest stewardand defender of German interests in Europe. Her carefully cultivated imageas a steady, reassuring, and incorruptible leader, coupled with her politicalacumen, ideological flexibility and, at times, ruthlessness—captured in thedueling monikers of Mutti Merkel and Merkelavelli1—are the keys to herprofound success.

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-36
Author(s):  
Steven V. Rouse

Abstract. Previous research has supported the use of Amazon’s Mechanical Turk (MTurk) for online data collection in individual differences research. Although MTurk Masters have reached an elite status because of strong approval ratings on previous tasks (and therefore gain higher payment for their work) no research has empirically examined whether researchers actually obtain higher quality data when they require that their MTurk Workers have Master status. In two different online survey studies (one using a personality test and one using a cognitive abilities test), the psychometric reliability of MTurk data was compared between a sample that required a Master qualification type and a sample that placed no status-level qualification requirement. In both studies, the Master samples failed to outperform the standard samples.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR STEGNII

The paper analyses specific features of sociological data circulation in a public space during an election campaign. The basic components of this kind of space with regard to sociological research are political actors (who put themselves up for the election), voters and agents. The latter refer to professional groups whose corporate interests are directly related to the impact on the election process. Sociologists can also be seen as agents of the electoral process when experts in the field of electoral sociology are becoming intermingled with manipulators without a proper professional background and publications in this field. In a public space where an electoral race is unfolding, empirical sociological research becomes the main form of obtaining sociological knowledge, and it is primarily conducted to measure approval ratings. Electoral research serves as an example of combining the theoretical and empirical components of sociological knowledge, as well as its professional and public dimensions. Provided that sociologists meet all the professional requirements, electoral research can be used as a good tool for evaluating the trustworthiness of results reflecting the people’s expression of will. Being producers of sociological knowledge, sociologists act in two different capacities during an election campaign: as analysts and as pollsters. Therefore, it is essential that the duties and areas of responsibility for professional sociologists should be separated from those of pollsters. Another thing that needs to be noted is the negative influence that political strategists exert on the trustworthiness of survey findings which are going to be released to the public. Using the case of approval ratings as an illustration, the author analyses the most common techniques aimed at misrepresenting and distorting sociological data in the public space. Particular attention is given to the markers that can detect bogus polling companies, systemic violations during the research process and data falsification.


CFA Magazine ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-18
Author(s):  
Scott Wybranski

Author(s):  
C. Randall Henning

European governments, against their initial instincts, invited the International Monetary Fund to design financial rescue programs during the euro crisis in cooperation with the European Commission and European Central Bank. These institutions, known as the “troika,” constitute a regime complex in the parlance of international political economy. This book poses four questions about the regime complex for crisis finance in the euro area: Why did European governments choose this particular mix of institutions? What was the strategy of key member states in directing several institutions to collaborate on lending programs? Why did this arrangement endure despite severe conflicts among the institutions? Should the member states of the euro area “go it alone” by creating a European Monetary Fund? This chapter elaborates on these questions and provides an overview of the book.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-185
Author(s):  
Sung Min Han ◽  
Mi Jeong Shin

AbstractIn this article, we argue that rising housing prices increase voter approval of incumbent governments because such a rise increases personal wealth, which leads to greater voter satisfaction. This effect is strongest under right-wing governments because those who benefit from rising prices—homeowners—are more likely to be right-leaning. Non-homeowners, who are more likely to vote for left-leaning parties, will view rising housing prices as a disadvantage and therefore feel the government does not serve them well, which will mitigate the advantage to left-wing governments. We find support for our arguments using both macro-level data (housing prices and government approval ratings in 16 industrialized countries between 1960 and 2017) and micro-level data (housing prices and individuals’ vote choices in the United Kingdom using the British Household Panel Survey). The findings imply that housing booms benefit incumbent governments generally and right-wing ones in particular.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (s1) ◽  
pp. 864-892
Author(s):  
Cristiano Bee ◽  
Stavroula Chrona

AbstractThis article investigates media representations of the European financial crisis in Greece and Italy. We study the Euro crisis as an ‘emergency situation’ with domino effects, where media played a central role in shaping communication practices at the national level as well as between the two countries. Drawing upon vertical and horizontal dynamics of Europeanization, we map the convergences and divergences in media discourses that surround the period 2011–2015. In doing so, we elaborate a qualitative analysis of newspaper articles focusing, in particular, on the themes of austerity and the fragmentation of Europe. Our argument suggests that national public spheres in times of transnational crisis become increasingly nationalized; yet under certain circumstances such as when the supranational infrastructure is the target of blame, they converge, opening the path toward a transnational discursive dialogue.


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