Good Fathering: Father and Son Perceptions of What It Means to Be a Good Father

2006 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Morman ◽  
Kory Floyd
Keyword(s):  
Father And Son

The Fall of the Crassi (Crassus 23.7–24.3, 25.12–14, 26.6–9, 30.2–5)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. O. Hutchinson
Keyword(s):  
Direct Speech ◽  
Noble Death ◽  
Father And Son

The Battle of Carrhae gives Plutarch his real opportunity to rival Thucydides on Sicily: a striking example of the second Life outdoing the first. The Life of Crassus is marked by dense passages which are particularly prolonged and amassed. They involve a moment of greatness for Crassus which outdoes a similar moment for Nicias (see ch. 13); it presents direct speech, after the death of Crassus’ son. These especially heightened passages in the Life form an arc, from initial terror at the Parthians, to noble death and acceptance of death; but the detail complicates this structure. The comparison of father and son is also important to the design; so too ethnography and Plutarch’s treatment of the Parthians. Cassius Dio’s later non-rhythmic account provides a foil.

Trading on Knowledge: The Iddin-Papsukkal Kin Group in Southern Babylonia in the 7th and 6th Centuries B.C.

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Nielsen
Keyword(s):  
Eanna Temple ◽  
Father And Son

AbstractThe witness list in BM 113927 dated at Ur in 658 includes the names of a father and son who, on the basis of evidence from three colophons, can be shown to have been members of the Iddin-Papsukkal kin group. These men appear to have had their origins at Borsippa, were active in temple affairs at Ur, and they or their descendants may have become part of the personnel at the Eanna temple at Uruk. The author makes arguments concerning the identity of these men and then proposes a link between them and a lineage from the Iddin-Papsukkal kin group at Uruk. The author concludes with observations about the movements of scholars between temples in Babylonia.

Father and Son

1943 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 145-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Buhler
Keyword(s):  
Father And Son

United States Patents Held by the Rafael Guastavinos, Father and Son

APT Bulletin ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Diana Waite ◽  
Patricia Gioia
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Father And Son

Michelangelo as a Baroque Poet

PMLA ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Robert J. Clements
Keyword(s):  
Work Of Art ◽  
The One ◽  
Father And Son

Michelangelo Buonarroti's influence upon baroque sculpture is now widely recognised by historians. Ever since that morning in 1506 when he and the Sangalli, father and son, watched the white Pentelic marble of the Laokoön emerge from the farmland of Felice de Freddis near the Baths of Titus, Michelangelo's restless mind found authority in antiquity for a revision of his aesthetic canons. In this agonising group Michelangelo found justification for moving beyond the symmetry, restraint, and proportione divina of the Donatellian mode of sculpture, the static scientism of Da Vinci's painting, and the Vitruvian rules of architecture—even though he paid lip service to those rules and even recited them to popes. Whereas Michelangelo did not acknowledge this influence in writing, or apparently in speaking, his contorted and anguished Haman (1511–12) on the spandrel of the Sistine Vault was an admission of the influence of this Rhodian group —just as El Greco's newly-restored Laokoön in Washington acknowledges it as the one work of art which initiated European baroque. Moreover, the anguishes of the Vatican Laokoön and the expressions thereof were to parallel those tensions—visible even in his death mask—of Michelangelo's own soul and to leave an imprint upon his poetry. Laokoön, it should be remembered in view of his impact upon European baroque, was a militant, ritualistic priest.

Mycoplasma-Induced Rash and Mucositis in a Father and Son

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (7) ◽  
pp. e205-e206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Song ◽  
Jennifer T. Huang ◽  
Jennifer K. Tan
Keyword(s):  
Father And Son

PLEOPTIC TREATMENT OF REMAINING EYE IN FATHER AND SON

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eilif Gregersen
Keyword(s):  
Father And Son

Devotio and human sacrifice in archaic Italy and Rome

2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 363-398
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
Human Sacrifice ◽  
Roman Religion ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Mona Island ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Father And Son ◽  
Very High

Abstract The Roman father and son of the same name, P. Decius Mus, became paragon heroes by deliberately giving their lives in battle that Rome might win over a fierce enemy. Both engaged in a special ritual called devotio (from which our word “devotion” derives) to offer themselves to the gods of the Underworld, with whom regular people have very little interaction and to whom they rarely sacrifice. While the Mus family is the most famous for this act, it turns out the willingness to sacrifice oneself for Rome frequently occurs within stories of great patriots, including the story of Horatius Cocles, Mettius Curtius, Atilius Regulus, and even the traitors Coriolanus and Tarpeia. Romans regarded self-sacrifice as a very high, noble endeavor, whereas they loathed and persecuted practitioners of human sacrifice. It is therefore quite amazing to read that the Romans thrice engaged in state-sponsored human sacrifice, a fact they rarely mention and generally forget. The most famous enemy practitioners of human sacrifice were the Druids, whom the Romans massacred on Mona Island on Midsummer Night's Eve, but the Carthaginians, the Germans, the Celts, and the Thracians all infamously practiced human sacrifice. To Romans, the act of human sacrifice falls just short of cannibalism in the spectrum of forbidden practices, and was an accusation occasionally thrown against an enemy to claim they are totally barbaric. On the other hand, Romans recognized their own who committed acts of self-sacrifice for the good of the society, as heroes. There can be no better patriot than he who gives his life to save his country. Often the stories of their heroism have been exaggerated or sanitized. These acts of heroism often turn out to be acts of human sacrifice, supposedly a crime. It turns out that Romans have a strong legacy of practicing human sacrifice that lasts into the historic era, despite their alleged opposition to it. Numerous sources relate one story each. Collecting them all makes it impossible to deny the longevity of human sacrifice in Rome, although most Romans under the emperors were probably unaware of it. The paradox of condemning but still practicing human sacrifice demonstrates the nature of Roman religion, where do ut des plays a crucial role in standard sacrifice as well as in unpleasant acts like human sacrifice. Devotio was an inverted form of sacrifice, precisely because it was an offering to the gods of the Underworld, rather than to Jupiter or the Parcae. Romans may have forsaken devotio, but they continued to practice human sacrifice far longer than most of us have suspected, if one widens the current narrow definition of human sacrifice to include events where a life is taken in order to bring about a better future for the commonwealth, appease the gods, or ensure a Roman victory in battle.

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