You Can't Eat Love: Constructing Provider Role Expectations for Low-Income and Working-Class Fathers

2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Roy
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Role Expectations ◽  
Provider Role

Influencing Preservice Teachers’ Attitudes About Working With Low-Income and/or Ethnic Minority Families

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen S. Amatea ◽  
Blaire Cholewa ◽  
Kacy A. Mixon
Keyword(s):  
Preservice Teachers ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Research University ◽  
Role Expectations ◽  
Study Results ◽  
Minority Families ◽  
Teachers Attitudes ◽  
Ethnic Minority Families ◽  
Large Research

There is a growing literature revealing the complexity of family–school relationships and the significant power imbalances and mismatches between the role expectations of caregivers and teachers who differ by class and race. This study investigates a course at a large research university in the Southeastern United States designed to influence the attitudes of preservice teachers (PSTs) about how they might work with low-income and/or ethnic minority families. Study results on 138 PSTs demonstrate that, after completing the course, their attitudes were less stereotypic, they were more confident about using family-centric involvement practices, and conceptualized student’s problems in less blaming terms.

Trumpism, Policing, and the Problem of Surplus Population

2020 ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Cedric Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Current System ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Mass Incarceration ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Class Relations ◽  
Corporate Elite ◽  
Blue Line ◽  
Surplus Population

This chapter tackles the issues of mass incarceration and aggressive policing, and their impact on low-income communities and people of color. It places Trump's defense of police and denigration of Black Lives Matter into historical context. The chapter connects the rise of the carceral state with an ideology that pathologizes poverty, blames working-class and unemployed people for their failure to get rich, and defines an urban “underclass” as the problem. In this context, the chapter analyzes Trump's reverence for police as the “thin blue line” that separates civilization from chaos. Focusing its attention on the intersection between class and race, the chapter unpacks the logic that has motivated a long-standing effort to shift power and resources away from the working class and toward the corporate elite. It argues that liberal antiracist arguments misunderstand the class relations that underlie the current system of policing. The chapter concludes that labor groups have a crucial role to play in fighting police abuse and mass incarceration.

A Framework for Evaluating Children's Books About Poverty

2022 ◽  
pp. 77-94
Author(s):  
Danielle E. Hartsfield
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Middle Grades ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
Children's Books ◽  
Children’S Books ◽  
Children And Families ◽  
One Step ◽  
Low Income Families

Enacting a class-sensitive pedagogy means disrupting negative discourses about social class and affirming the lives and experiences of children and families from poverty and the working class. One step that educators can take toward embracing a class-sensitive pedagogy is the inclusion of books with poor and working-class perspectives in the curriculum. This chapter describes a framework that educators can use to analyze and evaluate depictions of poor and working-class characters in books for children. This framework can support educators with selecting books that are respectful of and affirming to children from low-income families. In addition, the chapter offers book recommendations and approaches for integrating children's literature in elementary and middle grades classrooms.

A Growing Divide: The Promise and Pitfalls of Higher Education for the Working Class

2021 ◽  
Vol 695 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Webber
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Great Recession ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Student Debt ◽  
Underrepresented Minority ◽  
Expected Return ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
High Degree

This article is an analysis of recent dynamics in U.S. higher education, paying particular attention to how the market for higher education has changed since the Great Recession and how those changes have affected the working class. I examine the evolution of higher education over the past decade from the perspectives of both students and institutions, and document ways in which the Great Recession exacerbated inequality in access to college and outcomes among those who attend. While the expected return to attending college remains high, the downside risk (driven largely by student debt and a high degree of noncompletion) is also nontrivial. As in many other contexts, the burden of this risk is not shared equally across the population but is shouldered most acutely by students from low-income backgrounds, particularly among underrepresented minority groups.

Strengths-Based Approaches to Conducting Research With Low-Income and Other Marginalized Populations

2021 ◽  
pp. 76-108
Author(s):  
Sherry Hamby
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Academic Language ◽  
Academic Culture ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Standpoint Theory ◽  
Marginalized Populations ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Multiple Characteristics ◽  
Conducting Research

As researchers, providers, and policymakers strive to make their work more inclusive, it is important to move beyond simply paying more attention to “understudied” groups. Along with calls for more research, there should be equally vigorous calls to move beyond stigmatizing, deficits-based approaches and instead develop respectful, strengths-based lenses. One challenge is the lack of published guidance about how to interact professionally with marginalized populations. Guided by standpoint theory, I share my experiences and recommendations for working with marginalized populations, focusing especially on working with people from low-income and working-class communities. Everyone has a standpoint that is shaped by multiple characteristics, and for many people these will include some privileged and some disadvantaged characteristics. However, even for well-intentioned people, it can be challenging to look beyond one’s socialization and to recognize that personal characteristics, in and of themselves, cannot confer goodness on a person, only privilege. The following recommendations are explored in more detail in the chapter: researchers are encouraged to recognize one’s perspective (reflexivity), avoid setting up studies that inadvertently reflect academic culture, offer incentives that convey respect for people’s time and expertise in their own lives, ensure measures are written in straightforward (not academic) language, include or create measures that explore the strengths of marginalized groups, and disseminate work to communities, not just fellow researchers. Researchers, students, editors, reviewers, and policymakers should be aware of best practices in this area.

Precarity Before and During the Pandemic: International Student Employment and Personal Finances in Australia

2021 ◽  
pp. 102831532110651
Author(s):  
Catherine Hastings ◽  
Gaby Ramia ◽  
Shaun Wilson ◽  
Emma Mitchell ◽  
Alan Morris
Keyword(s):  
International Students ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Low Income ◽  
International Student ◽  
Evidence Base ◽  
Student Employment ◽  
Low Income Countries ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Personal Finances

There is mounting evidence of increased international student financial and work precarity over the last decade in Australia. Yet, there has been a little scholarly analysis of which students are most affected by precarity and its sources. Drawing on two surveys of international students in Australia's two largest cities, conducted before and during the pandemic, we investigate the financial and work vulnerabilities of international students. We demonstrate that vulnerability is related to characteristics which describe particular cohorts of students: being from low-income countries, working class families, seeking a low-level qualification, enrolled in a non-university institution, and being without a scholarship. The concepts of “noncitizenship” and “work precarity” are used to explain how the mechanisms of each characteristic heighten vulnerability, thereby contributing to a broader evidence-base about the causality of international student precarity.

scholarly journals Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 495-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Arndt
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Life Course ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Risk Profile ◽  
Comparative Case Study ◽  
Turn Of The Millennium ◽  
High Support

Recent theoretical advances in the welfare state literature have outlined the differences between labour market- and life course-related schemes as centre-right parties have difficulties in enacting retrenchment on life course-related schemes because these concern every voter. In contrast, the textbook risk profile of centre-right parties’ electorates allows them to cutback on labour market-related schemes as these parties get negligible support from workers and low-income voters. Conducting a comparative case study of recent Danish and Swedish centre-right governments, this article analyses the stylized assumptions on the party level by comparing two similar centre-right governments, which differed in their voter coalitions’ risk profile. I first argue that centre-right governments are generally constrained by the popular entrenchment of the universal welfare state when it comes to life course-related welfare schemes. Second, I argue that the leeway on labour market-related schemes is contingent on the actual risk profile of the centre-right’s electorate, and thereby move beyond the stylized assumptions from recent literature. In this respect, the Danish centre-right did, in contrast to its Swedish counterpart, gain power with an unusual high support among working-class voters which constrained its latitude on labour market-related schemes. I find that the Danish centre-right governments after 2001 acted with bound hands thanks to its high working-class backing, and refrained from outright cutbacks on both labour market- and life course-related schemes until 2010 except for labour market outsiders. In contrast, the Swedish centre-right had a much lower working-class backing and therefore engaged in some outright cutbacks of labour market-related schemes such as unemployment benefits directly after taking office 2006. The centre-right’s actual voter coalition’s risk profile is thus an important determinant for its public policies and its leeway for policy-seeking.

Toronto and the ‘Paris problem’: community policing in ‘immigrant neighbourhoods’

Race & Class ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parastou Saberi
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Community Policing ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Urban Policy ◽  
State Control ◽  
Race Riots ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Police Agencies

Since 2005, references to the ‘Paris problem’ have become increasingly frequent among media pundits, urban policy-makers and police agencies to warn about the malaise of Toronto’s low-income, majority non-White neighbourhoods (referred to as ‘immigrant neighbourhoods’). A reference to the rebellion of the French banlieues against state power in France, the ‘Paris problem’ is code for the spectre of ‘race riots’ in Toronto. Here the author looks at the birth of the ‘Paris problem’ and examines the community policing strategies that were rolled out in its aftermath in Toronto. The article demonstrates how these were intertwined with urban policies of social development to which policing was integral. In this, policing needs to be understood holistically as not just coercive in function, but also as ‘productive’; that is, aimed at the manufacture of consent and ultimately of pacification of unruly populations. Underpinning these processes, and also engendered by them, is a racialised and territorialised security ideology crystallised around the figure of ‘the immigrant’ and the conception of ‘immigrant neighbourhoods’. At the heart of such policy-making is a corralling and containing of poor, working-class, ethnically defined communities – youth in particular – that serves to entrench division while maintaining heavy-handed state control.

scholarly journals Hopes and Fears: Community Cohesion and the ‘White Working Class’ in One of the ‘Failed Spaces’ of Multiculturalism

Sociology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Thomas ◽  
Joel Busher ◽  
Graham Macklin ◽  
Michelle Rogerson ◽  
Kris Christmann
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Predominantly White ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Mixed Methods Research ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Community Cohesion ◽  
Minority Politics ◽  
White Majority ◽  
White Working Class

Since 2001, community cohesion has been an English policy concern, with accompanying media discourse portraying a supposed failure by Muslims to integrate. Latterly, academia has foregrounded White majority attitudes towards ethnic diversity, particularly those of the ‘White working class’. While questioning this categorisation, we present data on attitudes towards diversity from low income, mainly White areas within Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, a town portrayed in media discourse as one of the ‘failed spaces’ of multiculturalism. Drawing on mixed methods research, we present and discuss data that provide a complex message, seemingly confirming pessimistic analyses around ethnic diversity and predominantly White neighbourhoods but also highlighting an appetite within the same communities for greater and more productive inter-ethnic contact. Furthermore, anxieties about diversity and integration have largely failed to coalesce into broad support for organised anti-minority politics manifest in groups such as the English Defence League.

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