scholarly journals The Moroccan State between Centralization and Regionalism

حِكامة ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 37-60
Author(s):  
Mohamed Bennis
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
Central State ◽  
Developmental Factors ◽  
Meaningful Participation ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Vertical Organization ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Rural Protest

This study interrogates the role played by advanced regionalism in reinforcing the centralization of the Moroccan state and reproducing its great reform dilemma: its desire to modernize (to some extent) while retaining a unitary centralized structure via the adoption of a vertical power structure vis-à-vis the regions. This parallels the failure to democratize and to develop a new social contract, keeping state resources firmly in the hands of the central state without meaningful participation by the regions. This strategy is implemented via the centralization of territorial control and the monopolization of resources, creating a regional division based on geographic, economic and developmental factors. It disregards the regions' cultural, historical and economic homogeneity, which might serve as the basis for a reconsideration of the state's unitary character, and feeds off the control of public space at a time when rural protest has been creating new social mobilization dynamics. The study also considers the effect of the geopolitics of the desert on the adoption of regionalism and the restructuring of the Moroccan state via control of the requirements of representation, mobilization and mediation in the desert. The legitimation of self-rule and the integration of desert elites into the state's central structure has underlined the risks elated to the reformation of the state through a strategy of local government re-formation in the desert that ultimately reinforces the state's legitimacy and centralized character without affecting the vertical organization of power.

scholarly journals Localización y movimiento: estrategias de territorialización de la identidad afrodescendiente en Medellín

2019 ◽  
pp. 103-144
Author(s):  
Ana María Restrepo Rodriguez
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Recognition ◽  
Cultural Power ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City ◽  
Descendant Communities

La reivindicación de la identidad afrodescendiente en la ciudad de Medellín ha sido, y sigue siendo, un largo proceso de disputa por la ciudad. Desde las décadas de los setenta y ochenta la percepción de una comunidad afrodescendiente, y por lo tanto de su diferencia, obligó a conformar lugares de socialización desde los que se empezaron a dar procesos de identificación y autorreconocimiento. En la década de los noventa y en años recientes, otras estrategias han hecho evidente la presencia y la disputa por el reconocimiento y el derecho a pertenecer: la movilización social y la fiesta irrumpen en el espacio público, activan campos de poder cultural e interpelan a los otros para reivindicar la diferencia, otras memorias de la ciudad y del ser medellinense. Abstract: The identity claims for the afro-descendant people in the city of Medellin has been, and it is still so, a long process of dispute for the city. Since the decades of the seventies and eighties the perception of an afrodescendant community, and therefore of its difference, forced to shape places for socialization. In these places the process of identification and self-recognition began. In the decade of the nineties, and in recent years, other strategies have made evident the presence of afro-descendant communities and its dispute for recognition and for the right to belong: social mobilization and celebration burst in the public space, activating fields of cultural power, claiming the difference to the-others, anothers memory of the city and about being a medellinense. Keywords: territory, territoriality, territorialization, afro-descendant identity, cities, social mobilization, memory, Medellín.  

scholarly journals JURGEN HABERMAS'S COMMUNICATIVE PARADIGM AS TRANSFORMATIVE DA'WAH REINFORCEMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Dani Saputra
Keyword(s):  
Information Technology ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Human Dignity ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Central Idea ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Social Area

Work and communication are two basic human that determine how humans as a species move and live in their world. The reformation begins with two basic human foundations. Jurgen Habermas, a German authoritarian who makes a fairly firm discount with his predecessors, seems to be in his central idea of the fundamental differences between the two dimensional praxis, namely work and communication. But it needs to be seen how communication and rationality of power are exercised, or how one positions in it. In the public space, each individual expresses his or her various thoughts related to the public interest that want to be discussed without coercion. This public space must be free from the intervention of any party, so that each individual can express his or her thoughts freely and openly. That's where a social area free from censorship and dominance. The complexity of people’s lives demands a more transformative movement of da’wah activities, in this case communication and transformative da’wah. This process also aims to "pay attention" to the target of da’wah to the weak. As coveted by the Islamic community, that not only focused on homogeneous social status, nor looked at the higher and lower social status, officials and subordinates, rich and poor, and so on. Rather, it sees from the level of laughter of an individual to his Lord. To achieve this, preachers need to emphasize an approach that better respects and respects human dignity and dignity, humanizes people, and uses local cultural approaches and the unstoppable use of information technology as a tool to transform a message. 

scholarly journals The abstract space and the alienation of political public space in the Middle East

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-497
Author(s):  
Farzad Zamani ◽  
Asma Mehan
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Abstract Space ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Protests ◽  
The City

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how abstract space of the State – universally and specifically within the context of Middle Eastern cities – aims to homogenise the city and eliminate any anomaly that threatens its power structure. Design/methodology/approach Through a historical and discourse analysis of these policies and processes in the two case studies, this paper presents a contextualised reading of Lefebvre’s concept of abstract space and process of abstraction in relation to the alienation of political public spaces. Findings The paper proposes that regardless of these homogenising strategies being applied universally, they fail to respond to contextual particularities and therefore they – in a contradictory manner – may themselves produce a space of resistance and difference. Originality/value This paper focusses on Iran, the case of Tehran and Turkey, the case of Taksim Square and Gezi Park in Istanbul. Recent policies and strategies have been proposed and implemented to reduce, alienate and possibly neutralise the impacts of urban and political protests in these cities and socio-political contexts.

scholarly journals Tanggapan Teologis Andreas A. Yewangoe Terhadap Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia Pada Era Reformasi

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Arthur Aritonang
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Its Region ◽  
Religious Group ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Method Approach

 This article examines deviations from the original purpose of the regional autonomy system in the Reformation era. Since the beginning, the local autonomy system was a response to a centralized government system during the New Order regime. The implementation of regional autonomy so that each region can regulate, develop, and advance its region. However, the spirit of regional autonomy has been distorted due to public policies' existence through a set of rules that impose religious law, which ultimately limits the development of other religions. In reality, regional / regency regulations with religious nuances clash with the Republic of Indonesia's existing constitution. This study uses the literature method approach, which focuses on the topic of regional autonomy as well as conducting interviews with national figures Andreas A. Yewangoe because his thoughts will be raised in responding to deviations from the original purpose of the formation of regional autonomy policies in Indonesia. In conclusion, Yewangoe gave a theological response so that matters of religious law were aimed at his religious group, not being forced to be applied in a heterogeneous public space to create democracy in Indonesia following the principles of humanity and justice for Indonesian people. 

scholarly journals Dampak Demokrasi terhadap Kesejahteraan (Studi Kasus di Indonesia)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Azhar Abbas ◽  
Timbul Dompak
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
New Order ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
The People ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Impact

Elections in Indonesia, have been held periodically since 1955, then in 1971 After that, elections are held every 5 years, starting in 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997. The democratization process carried out with the Elections above, especially during the New Order have not been able to produce the expected democratic values. During the Reformation period, Indonesia had begun elections in 1999, then in 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019.There is something interesting about the dynamics of the development of democracy in this country since the reformation began in 1998. One thing that stands out is the impact of democracy on people's welfare. In the midst of public space, various discussions emerged about whether democracy is still an appropriate system for answering the concept of a better state and being able to provide welfare for all the people of Indonesia. Through elections, voters can channel their chosen aspirations. The hope, of course, is choosing leaders who can realize programs that can improve people's welfare.

The Language of Mysticism and the Language of Law in Early Modern Spain*

2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 932-956 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Shuger
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
Religious Experiences ◽  
Early Modern Spain ◽  
Linguistic Study ◽  
Spanish Inquisition ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Law

AbstractAfter the Reformation, Catholics developed new ways to express interior religious experiences, including mystic visions. This article considers the epistemological impasse that arose when the Spanish Inquisition, created to prosecute covert Judaizers, was charged with discernment of mystical experiences. Close linguistic study of interrogations shows how a nondialogue between mystical and legal discourse pointed to a broader conflict between a newly interiorized religion and the public space of the law. Practically, these cases weakened the Inquisition; conceptually, they undermined the idea of an Inquisition. If Enlightenment reformers were able to argue for a secularization of the law, it was because a group of mystics and Inquisitors had made such thought possible.

scholarly journals Pasang-Surut Komitmen Kebangsaan

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Yudi Latif
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
New Order ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
Growth Stability ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
Waking State

Our national commitment can be seen through three phases, namely in the early days of independence, in the New Order era, and in the Reform Era. Our national commitment at the beginning of the independen- ce is scratched as negative-defensive nationalism force, when it was faced with a common enemy from outside (colonization). Our national commit- ment in the New Order era is marked by making economy as the comman- der in terms of growth, stability and centralization of power, bringing a variety of inequality. The most striking, there is lack of harmony between the national and statehood character. National multicultural character of Indonesia was denied by the centralized nature of waking state. Imbalance between central and local government with denial of political, social, eco- nomic and cultural rights of local communities. Meanwhile, the national commitment in the Reformation Era is characterized by openness and free- dom of public space that brings euphoria for the expression of marginalized identities. Efforts to bring diversity of expression "plural monoculturalism" into the situation of "multi-culturalism"—with willingness of being differen- ce (pluralism) and willingness of being united (cosmopolitanism)— requires a new solidarity framework, which is based on the premises of political na- tionalism based on rationality, volunteerism and shared prosperity.

scholarly journals DI ANTARA DUA ARUS: STUDI FENOMENOLOGI NARASI PASCA ISLAMISME ANAK MUDA MUSLIM DI YOGYAKARTA

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 318
Author(s):  
Arif Budi Darmawan ◽  
Ayu Dwi Susanti ◽  
Azinuddin Ikram Hakim ◽  
Fadhil Naufal
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
New Order ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Politics Of Religion ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Spiritual Expression ◽  
Islamist Movements

The end of the New Order era is an opportunity to develop a new structure in Indonesia. The beginning of the reformation era was marked by the emergence of the Islamist movements or the rising religious spirit era. In this article, the term Islamism is not defined as a discourse within politics of religion, but it refers to narrative spiritual expression in the public space. In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. This research found that Islamism that occurs in family milieu and in the circle of a friendship has created anxiety mong them. This anxiety appears in the form of disagreement on monolithic definition of Islamism, the criticism of the new pattern of piety in the public space, and the counter narrative to the Islamism phenomenon. Pasca runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru seolah menjadi ‘keran’ bagi terbukanya sistem dan struktur sosial di masyarakat, salah satunya ditandai dengan menguatnya Islamisme atau kebangkitan semangat beragama. Islamisme yang akan diulas di penelitian ini bukan merujuk pada diskursus relasi politik agama, namun lebih kepada eksistensi dari ekspresi keagamaan yang muncul dalam bentuk meningkatnya penggunaan atribut Islam di ruang publik. Penelitian ini secara khusus berupaya memberikan gambaran bagaimana pemuda Muslim mengkritisi fenomena Islamisme dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya Islamisme yang terjadi di ruang lingkup keluarga dan pertemanan melahirkan berbagai keresahan bagi anak muda. Keresahan itu terwujud melalui ketidaksetujuan tentang pemaknaan baru dalam Islam yang dinilai homogen, kritik atas pola kesalehan di ruang publik, dan munculnya konter narasi berupa perlawanan atas fenomena Islamisme.

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