Issues in Fare Policy: Case of the New York Taxi Industry

1998 ◽  
Vol 1618 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Schaller

Setting taxi fares is one of the most delicate and difficult tasks faced by taxi regulators. Fare setting is delicate because political forces are strong on both sides of the issue. The difficulties lie in reliably determining taxi costs and revenues and how a fare increase will affect service quality. Major issues commonly raised in connection with fare policy are considered, including the goals of fare changes, the relevance of medallion prices, and implications for service availability. It is concluded that fare increases can achieve their goal of increasing revenues to the taxi industry but that additional regulatory action is required to ensure improvements to driver and vehicle quality. Arguments that fare increases are unnecessary in the face of high medallion prices are shown to be impractical and possibly counterproductive. Finally, it is argued that fare increases expand the availability of taxi service and that availability considerations should be an integral part of fare policy.

2014 ◽  
Vol 587-589 ◽  
pp. 1932-1939
Author(s):  
Qi Yuan Liu ◽  
Liang Jie Xu ◽  
Dan Ying

In some cities, the zoning operation in taxi service leads to the difference in load ratio and empty return rate in their limited zones. Therefore, some negative phenomena appear such as the instability of drivers’ income and drivers negotiate the price without taximeter. In order to keep a balance between enhancing the drivers’ profit and protecting the passengers’ interests, establishing a differential pricing model based on the characteristics of taxi service in different zones. The operation areas, trip intensity and trip distribution have been taken into consideration about different taxi service zones in the model.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-647
Author(s):  
Irving Schulman

Drs. H. S. Baar and E. Stransky published in 1928 one of the first books devoted exclusively to blood diseases in children. The present volume represents an attempt by these writers and their co-authors to produce, in the face of serious obstacles, a modern text on the same subject. The senior authors have been separated from each other by vast distances and the careers of both were turned away from specialization in pediatric hematology over twenty years ago.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 111-136
Author(s):  
Anna Krochmal

The article discusses the role of Polish and Polish diaspora organizations in the USA, and the role of their archives, libraries, and museum deposits in the study of the first years of the independent Polish state. The most important ones, created in the USA in the 19th and the 20th century by Polish immigrants, are the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America (located in New York), the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America (located in New York), the Polish Army Veterans’ Association in America (located in New York), the Polish Museum of America (located in Chicago), the Polish Archive in the Polish Catholic Mission in Orchard Lake near Detroit, and the Polish Music Center in Los Angeles. The key role in the study of the restoration of the Polish state in 1918-1923 plays the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America, established on 4 July 1943 as a descendant of the Institute for Research into the Modern Polish History functioning in Warsaw between 1923 and 1939. The institute holds the so-called Belvedere Archives, saved in 1939 from Warsaw and taken from Europe to New York. It contains the documents of the Adjutancy Commander in Chief from the years 1918-1922, illustrating the struggle for the borders of the restored Polish state; documents of the Ukrainian Military Mission, showing Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in the face of the threat from Bolshevik Russia; documents from three Silesian uprisings, and archives of well-known supporters of Piłsudski, e.g. General Julian Stachiewicz and Marshal Rydz-Śmigły. Other additional sources from the years 1918-1923 are stored by Polish diaspora institutions, including priceless and understudied documents concerning the prominent composer, diplomat, and politician Ignacy Jan Paderewski, as well as unique materials concerning Polish volunteers from the USA fighting along with General Józef Haller’s so-called Blue Army.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 555-565
Author(s):  
KATE LOVEMAN

Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.


2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Karim Zehmed ◽  
Fouad Jawab

The Moroccan government has recently promoted sustainable public transport projects such as tramway services namely in the two largest cities of country, Casablanca and Rabat-Salé. Since its launch, the tramway service is in-creasingly present in citizens' daily lives in both cities. To maintain its attractiveness, operators and transport authori-ties should examine the performance of tramway service from user’s point of view. That is, an in-depth understanding of how passengers perceive service quality and what make them satisfied. The purpose of this study is to compare the performance of tramway service in the two cities based on the opinions of a sample size of 613 and 435 individuals in each city. The outcome of this peer comparison allows to determine the strengths and weaknesses of provided service and identify priorities for improvement in each city. Regarding the methodology, we adopted a two-step approach to achieve our research purpose. The first stage intends to compare users' perceptions regarding Service Quality Attrib-utes (SQAs) and overall satisfaction and to identify any significant differences between the two cities. To this end, we applied, in the first stage, a student t-test of two independent samples. The second stage employs an ordered probit regression model to identify the most important SQA; i.e., which most influence the overall satisfaction, and improve-ments priorities for the current service tramway. The results showed that, in average, passengers found service quality as good and are satisfied with tramway service in both cities. Tram vehicles’ is the best appreciated service attribute in both cities while Comfort in Rabat-Salé and Lines’ connectivity in Casablanca are the least appreciated. Moreover, the service performance of Rabat-Salé tramway exceeds that of Casablanca tramway in terms of service Availability, ser-vice Reliability, Fares level, Tram vehicle, Drivers’ competence, Lines’ connectivity, and overall satisfaction. On the other hand, we found that among top six important attributes, Reliability and Administrators should be prioritized for improvement in Casablanca; and staff, Lines, Comfort, and Administrators in Rabat-Salé. Results showed that im-provements in all these service aspects would increase significantly overall user’s satisfaction.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Holtzman

The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. The Long Crisis, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city-dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures, but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city’s budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up. These shifts toward the market would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.


Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck

The chapter reveals the violence associated with the Civil Rights Movement, the courage of African American activists (Martin Luther King, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers) and the small minority of southern white ministers who joined them. In Montgomery, Alabama, Robert Graetz provided taxi service for demonstrators. Andrew Turnipseed paid the salary of James Love, who signed the Mobile bus petition, when his parishioners would not. No southern white minister would participate in freedom rides, but John Morris organized a Freedom Ride after the violence subsided. The group was arrested. Joseph Ellwanger was harassed in Birmingham. Hundreds of black protestors were arrested and tortured. Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote Letter from a Birmingham Jail. Edwin King was arrested and tortured. The Klan and other white supremacist groups flourished. Black activists and some whites were murdered in Mississippi. As Edwin King commented, “Good white people could do nothing in the face of madness.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

This introductory chapter provides an overview of how the American Revolution shaped a popular transatlantic understanding of British loyalism, focusing on the four port cities spanning the North Atlantic: New York City; Kingston, Jamaica; Halifax, Nova Scotia; and Glasgow, Scotland. During the early stages of the revolution, a shared transatlantic understanding of what it meant to be British in these four communities initially crumbled in the face of the Patriots' assertion that their cause was rooted in a defense of Protestant British liberty. Patriot arguments led loyal Britons in these places to question what defined their attachment to the empire. Out of these crises there emerged a new understanding of loyalism rooted in a strengthened defense of monarchy and duly constituted government. After the Franco-American alliance of 1778, loyal Britons were also able to reclaim their belief in the supremacy of Protestant British liberty, which they contrasted with the alleged tyranny of American Patriots and their French Catholic allies. Ultimately, the British loyalism as it developed in the wake of the American war was more conservative and authoritarian, reaching its apogee in the reaction against the radicalism of the French Revolution and the despotism of Napoleon.


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