Geotechnical characterization and mass-movement potential of the United States Mid-Atlantic continental slope and rise

From 1965 to 1973, the United States attempted to prevent the absorption of the non-Communist state of South Vietnam by Communist North Vietnam as part of its Cold War strategy of containment. In doing so, the United States had to battle both the North Vietnamese military and guerrillas indigenous to South Vietnam. The Johnson administration entered the war without a well-thought-out strategy for victory, and the United States quickly became bogged down in a bloody stalemate. A major Communist assault in 1968 known as the Tet Offensive convinced US leaders of the need to seek a negotiated solution. This task fell to the Nixon administration, which carried on peace talks while simultaneously seeking ways to escalate the conflict and force North Vietnam to make concessions. Eventually it was Washington that made major concessions, allowing North Vietnam to keep its forces in the South and leaving South Vietnam in an untenable position. US troops left in 1973 and Hanoi successfully invaded the South in 1975. The two Vietnams were formally unified in 1976. The war devastated much of Vietnam and came at a huge cost to the United States in terms of lives, resources, and political division at home. It gave birth to the largest mass movement against a war in US history, motivated by opposition both to conscription and to the damage that protesters perceived the war was doing to the United States. It also raised persistent questions about the wisdom of both military intervention and nation-building as tools of US foreign policy. The war has remained a touchstone for national debate and partisan division even as the United States and Vietnam moved to normalize diplomatic relations with the end of the Cold War.

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Past and Potential Mass Movement on Continental Slope Off Northeastern United States: ABSTRACT

AAPG Bulletin ◽

10.1306/2f919c56-16ce-11d7-8645000102c1865d ◽

1981 ◽

Vol 65 ◽

Author(s):

James S. Booth, James M. Robb, John

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Continental Slope ◽

Mass Movement ◽

Northeastern United States

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The Origins of American Fascism

Monthly Review ◽

10.14452/mr-069-02-2017-06_3 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 69 (2) ◽

pp. 26

Author(s):

Michael Joseph Roberto

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Mass Movement ◽

The United States ◽

Class Analysis ◽

Monthly Review

What can a class analysis tell us about fascism's national particularities and early forms? Why was there no mass movement for a separate fascist party in the United States? The lessons of several now-forgotten works of scholarship from the 1930s are critical to our understanding of American fascism—not only for what they tell us about its history, but also about how to fight it today.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

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Borderland, Maquilas, and Feminicide

Contingent Horizons: The York University Student Journal of Anthropology ◽

10.25071/2292-6739.92 ◽

1969 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Lea Alilovic

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Mass Movement ◽

Trade Agreement ◽

The United States ◽

Ciudad Juarez ◽

Women Migrants ◽

Manufacturing Plants ◽

The North ◽

The Social ◽

Border Town

The rise of maquiladoras, or foreign owned manufacturing plants, in Mexico during the 1970s and 80s symbolizes the social and economic tension of the Mexican–United States borderland. With the implementation of agreements like the Border Industrialization Program (1965) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (1994) that created and supported the transfer of capital and goods between Mexico and the United States, such policies simultaneously limited the movement of people across the border. By the 1990s, growing disparities between the U.S. and Mexico became evident with the mass movement of Mexican economic migrants to the north and the growth of shanty towns south of the border. Women migrants and labourers in particular faced extremely vulnerable positions in the region due to their precarious work and living conditions, substantiated by the paralleling disappearance, kidnapping, and mutilation of women in the borderlands. This article mobilizes Ursula Biemann’s (1999) work on women’s positionality in Mexico to situate their experiences and agency in Mexico’s border town, Ciudad Juarez, within contexts of prevailing feminicide. Ultimately, in engaging in the discussion of the role of what Melissa Wright (2006) calls women’s disposability in the borderlands, this essay will explore why transnational and migrant labour is often overlooked and exploited by policy, leaving women labourers particularly susceptible to such violence.

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