scholarly journals National Security Redesign after the COVID–19: Nepali Army’s Security Priority in Response to the Global Pandemics

Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
Padam Kumar Angbo

Pandemic disease always poses one of the greatest security threats to national security. It is widely discussed as a non-traditional threat candidate to national security (NDU, CACI, The Asymmetric Threat Symposium, 2008, p. 31). Indeed, the COVID-19 has not only unleashed havoc on developing nation but also provided a vital national security lesson exposing weaknesses in their capabilities to protect citizens. For example, Nepal has lost more than 2000 lives of its people and about 271,000 have severely suffered this viral infection, and the deaths with this pandemic in the US and UK are even higher. And the trend of causalities has increasingly been continuing along with an alarming rate of infection. Meanwhile, a new deadly variant of corona virus is swiftly spreading across the globe including Nepal. This study employs the qualitative research framework and data have been employed from secondary sources. The research philosophy adopted is interpretivism where the researcher has included his viewpoints to available data in presenting ideas. The article explores causes and multi-dimensional effects, critical nexus between COVID-19 and National Security in support to the argument that the nature, scope, novelty and complexity of COVID-19 pandemic demands an Integrated National Security Strategy for an effective application of all the instruments of national power, including Nepali Army, public and private sector to respond successfully. This paper also spotlights the crucial role of Nepali Army in containing pandemics that proffers to reappraisal of such a vital security body’s strategies and doctrines, taking the current corona virus in serious consideration.  

Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”


Author(s):  
K. P. Marabyan

The article aims to consider the development and adoption process of one of the most crucial conceptual documents – Armenia’s National Security Strategy. The Armenian vision of internal and external threats of Armenia’s National Security is presented in accordance with the conceptual documents of Armenia. Particularly stressed is the role of the factor of adoption of such type of document as Armenia’s National Security Strategy and the role of the very document in the activity of the state authorities.


2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Gerson

The release of the Barack Obama administration's much-anticipated Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) concluded an intense, yearlong effort to revamp U.S. nuclear weapons policy to better address modern threats. Despite general agreement that the United States' nuclear policy and posture was in need of overhaul, there were strong disagreements over what kinds of changes should be made. At the core of these debates was the issue of U.S. declaratory policy—the stated role and purpose of U.S. nuclear weapons. Whereas some members of the administration advocated that the United States retain all of the flexibility and options afforded by the policy of calculated ambiguity, others contended that to fulfill President Obama's commitment to “put an end to Cold War thinking” and “reduce the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. national security strategy,” the United States should adopt a more restrictive nuclear policy such as no first use (NFU), perhaps in the form of a declaration that the “sole purpose” of U.S. nuclear weapons is to deter a nuclear attack. By not adopting NFU, the NPR missed an important opportunity to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. strategy. The traditional case for NFU hinges on the argument that the threat of nuclear first use is unnecessary for deterrence. Yet the continued U.S. option to use nuclear weapons first is not only unnecessary but dangerous. Given the size and accuracy of the current U.S. nuclear arsenal, and given the variation in the nuclear capabilities of current and potential adversaries, the first-use option risks creating instabilities in a severe crisis that increase the chances of accidental, unauthorized, or deliberate nuclear use. In a future crisis with a nuclear-armed state, the fear—whether real or imagined—that the United States might attempt a disarming nuclear first-strike increases the possibility of nuclear escalation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-61
Author(s):  
Bayram Sinkaya ◽  
◽  
◽  

One of the lasting outcomes of the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the rising regional influence of Iran across the Middle East, which has been amplified by the dynamics of the region in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Since then,there are many academic and journalistic attempts to explain and understand Iran’s policies towards the region. Tabatabai’s No Conquest, No Defeat: Iran’s National Security Strategy is an attempt to explain Iran’s foreign and security policies, particularly towards the Middle East, by putting them into a historical and cultural context. A frequent contributor to the leading US think tanks and recently appointed as a senior advisor position at the US Department of State, Tabatabai considered her study to ‘sit at the intersection’ of Iran’s military history and its politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 369-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Selchow

While it is Ulrich Beck’s concept of ‘risk society’ that has mostly attracted attention in the field of security studies, in this article I argue that if we want to take Beck seriously, we need to go beyond his ‘risk society’ thesis and acknowledge that his main thesis was that we live in a social reality that is qualitatively new and, consequently, calls for a radical shift in how we look at and talk about it. To bring Beck into security studies, then, means to study ‘security’ from within Beck’s ‘new world’. For that, I argue, a sharper conception of what characterizes that world is needed. At the heart of my article I provide such a conception – the ‘cosmopolitized world’ – which I identify as being shaped by non-linearity and the interplay of two moments: the ‘cosmopolitized reality’ and the ‘tradition of the national perspective’. Building on this concept and experimenting with it, I turn to reading the ‘US national security’ discourse as this is constructed in the text of the 2015 National Security Strategy from within this ‘cosmopolitized world’. Reflecting on this experiment, I conclude by highlighting the potential that bringing Beck in this way into security studies holds, as well as pointing to the need for future work on the vocabulary of the ‘cosmopolitized world’.


2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Mian Zahoor Ul Haq ◽  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf

US National Security Strategy, 2017, mentioned China as a revisionist state, an economic competitor and a challenger. US NSC China declared to compete with China under the guided principles of realism. US actions and strategies make an interesting argument to validate that USA has fallen in the Thucydides Trap, not because China has pushed the US, but because fear has engulfed her and has adopted an appropriate form of war. This article explores the approaches adopted by USA in her Hybrid War against China. It discusses the surge in attacks on China political Center of Gravity. It analyses the created chaos in Hongkong and the engineered clash of Muslim and Chinese civilisations. It observes how Corona Pandemic has been used to malign China and uncovers that US allies have been buoyed up to contain China. Before rendering conclusions, the article examines how the friends of china are being targeted.


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