scholarly journals Presidential or parliamentary system: what hinds an ethnic conflict

2020 ◽  
pp. 290-308
Author(s):  
Oleg Zaznaev ◽  
Viktor Sidorov

Ethnic conflict management includes a set of institutional and noninstitutional features for preventing and resolving ethnic conflicts. Among the large number of measures of national states and other political actors, one can especially figure out – the optimal organization of government system, which can calm ethnically colored conflicts, up to violence, armed warfare and civil wars. This article discusses the problem of the relationship between forms of government, on the one hand, and ethnic conflicts, on the other. That causation received small attention in political science. The authors answer the question of which form of government – presidential or parliamentary – creates risks of ethnic conflict. The purpose of the article is to identify institutional elements that pose a threat to ethnic peace and harmony, as well as show the positive features of presidentialism and parliamentarism that to calm ethnic conflicts. The authors chose neoinstitutionalism as the main methodological approach, which determines the central place of political institutions in explaining the nature of ethnic conflicts. The authors' conclusions are based on a comparative analysis of the theoretical and empirical results of studies of ethnic conflicts. The authors conclude that the presidential system creates more favorable conditions for calming ethnic conflicts that the parliamentary system do. In order to “smooth out” the negative consequences of the presidential and parliamentary systems, national governments conduct institutional “experiments” to modernize classical institutional models. The article discusses atypical systems and atypical elements of systems that help solve problems inherent in a “pure” presidential and “pure” parliamentary system. The article also assesses empirical studies that providing research on causation between government and ethnic conflicts.

Author(s):  
Turnbull Lori

This chapter examines the meaning and significance of the parliamentary reform package introduced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government in 2015. The proposed measures address themes that have been part of democratic reform agendas for many years, and most of them can be fairly described as low-hanging fruit. The one that stands out from the rest is the Trudeau government’s approach to appointments. Historically, Prime Ministers have made appointments to the Senate, the Supreme Court, and other positions of profile and authority with little to no restrictions on their discretion. The Trudeau government’s creation of independent advisory boards to preside over appointments throughout federal government institutions, and the identification of specified criteria to guide these appointments, represents a major departure from historic practice and a potentially significant shift away from the concentration of power in the hands of the political Executive.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-167
Author(s):  
M M Shakhbanova

In modern Russian society, there take place the processes of cardinal transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and other spheres of its functioning. This fact conditions an urgent need to study risks and threats to preservation of social stability, sustainable development, strengthening of ties and relations in the Russian society. This aspect is especially important in multinational subjects of Russia, which differ in national heterogeneity of the population, degree of socio-economic development of the territories, variability of ethno-cultural norms and value patterns of social life. The article deals with vital and complex issues related to the phenomenon of “interethnic tension” and ethnic conflicts existing in modern national and foreign science, theoretical and methodological approaches to their study, classification criteria, various concepts of the causes and typologies of these phenomena. The author of the article presents classification of interethnic conflicts according to their stages or forms, to the nature of conflicting parties, which makes it possible to single out conflicts of “psychological stereotypes”, “ideological doctrines”, “political institutions”. In the study of the phenomenon of “interethnic tension”, it is important to establish risks and reasons for deterioration of interethnic relations in multinational administrative entities, the role of the factor of ethnic heterogeneity in the emergence of ethnic conflicts in modern Russian society. National diversity is fraught with various negative consequences, risk of interethnic confrontation and ethnic conflicts as polyethnic communities are more at risk of their appearance than mono-national ones.


Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-418
Author(s):  
Irena Fiket ◽  
Gazela Pudar-Drasko

Starting from the findings of previous studies, whose results speak of the distrust of Serbian citizens in political institutions and political actors, low turnout and general passivity and apathy of citizens, the authors deal with the understanding of non-institutional political participation in Serbia. The paper starts from the assumption that the stated indicators pointing to the withdrawal of Serbian citizens from political life do not necessarily represent part of the same phenomenon. Namely, the authors believe that it is necessary to distinguish between the assumptions of institutional and non-institutional civic participation. On the one hand, the authors start from the thesis that high trust in institutions can actually negatively affect the need of citizens to mobilize in order to influence institutions. At the same time, citizens may be inclined to participate in political life through non-institutional channels if they posses a developed sense of internal political efficiency, which is not necessary related to the responsiveness of the political system.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
BAOGANG HE ◽  
DAVID HUNDT

AbstractThe failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues, and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits, and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.


Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall

This chapter introduces the problem of “reform capacity” (the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole, by adjusting public policies to changing economic, social, and political circumstances). The chapter also reviews the long-standing discussion in political science about the relationship between political institutions and effective government. Furthermore, the chapter explains why the possibility of compensation matters greatly for the politics of reform; provides a precise definition of the concept of reform capacity; describes the book's general approach to this problem; and discusses the ethics of compensating losers from reform; and presents the book's methodological approach.


Author(s):  
Nimer Sultany

This chapter analyzes concrete Egyptian and Tunisian cases that showcase the interplay between continuity and rupture. These cases illustrate the lack of a systemic relation between law and revolution. On the one hand, the judiciary that interprets and applies the law is part of the very social and political conflicts it is supposed to resolve. On the other hand, the law is incoherent and there are often resources within the legal materials to play it both ways. Thus, the different forces at work use both continuity and rupture to advance their positions. Furthermore, legitimacy discourse mediates the contradictions between law and revolution in the experience of different legal and political actors. This mediation serves an ideological role because it presupposes a binary dichotomy between continuity and rupture, papers over law’s incoherence by reducing it to a singular voice, and reduces revolution to an event rather than a process.


Author(s):  
Jochen von Bernstorff

The chapter explores the notion of “community interests” with regard to the global “land-grab” phenomenon. Over the last decade, a dramatic increase of foreign investment in agricultural land could be observed. Bilateral investment treaties protect around 75 per cent of these large-scale land acquisitions, many of which came with associated social problems, such as displaced local populations and negative consequences for food security in Third World countries receiving these large-scale foreign investments. Hence, two potentially conflicting areas of international law are relevant in this context: Economic, social, and cultural rights and the principles of permanent sovereignty over natural resources and “food sovereignty” challenging large-scale investments on the one hand, and specific norms of international economic law stabilizing them on the other. The contribution discusses the usefulness of the concept of “community interests” in cases where the two colliding sets of norms are both considered to protect such interests.


Author(s):  
Bonnie Effros

The excavation of Merovingian-period cemeteries in France began in earnest in the 1830s spurred by industrialization, the creation of many new antiquarian societies across the country, and French nationalism. However, the professionalization of the discipline of archaeology occurred slowly due to the lack of formal training in France, weak legal protections for antiquities, and insufficient state funding for archaeological endeavors. This chapter identifies the implications of the central place occupied by cemeterial excavations up until the mid-twentieth century and its impact on broader discussions in France of national origins and ethnic identity. In more recent years, with the creation of archaeological agencies such as Afan and Inrap, the central place once occupied by grave remains has been diminished. Rescue excavations and private funding for new structures have brought about a shift to other priorities and research questions, with both positive and negative consequences, though cemeteries remain an important source of evidence for our understanding of Merovingian society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 80
Author(s):  
Eva Eckert ◽  
Oleksandra Kovalevska

In the European Union, the concern for sustainability has been legitimized by its politically and ecologically motivated discourse disseminated through recent policies of the European Commission and the local as well as international media. In the article, we question the very meaning of sustainability and examine the European Green Deal, the major political document issued by the EC in 2019. The main question pursued in the study is whether expectations verbalized in the Green Deal’s plans, programs, strategies, and developments hold up to the scrutiny of critical discourse analysis. We compare the Green Deal’s treatment of sustainability to how sustainability is presented in environmental and social science scholarship and point out that research, on the one hand, and the politically motivated discourse, on the other, do not correlate and often actually contradict each other. We conclude that sustainability discourse and its keywords, lexicon, and phraseology have become a channel through which political institutions in the EU such as the European Commission sideline crucial environmental issues and endorse their own presence. The Green Deal discourse shapes political and institutional power of the Commission and the EU.


Pathogens ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 530
Author(s):  
Ekaterina A. Golenkina ◽  
Svetlana I. Galkina ◽  
Nina G. Dolinnaya ◽  
Evgenii A. Arifulin ◽  
Yulia M. Romanova ◽  
...  

Mimicking bacterial DNA, synthetic CpG-containing oligodeoxyribonucleotides (CpG-ODNs) have a powerful immunomodulatory potential. Their practical application is mainly associated with the production of vaccines, where they are used as adjuvants, as well as in local antimicrobial therapy. CpG-ODNs act on a wide variety of immune cells, including neutrophilic granulocytes. On the one hand, the stimulatory effect provides both the direct implementation of their antimicrobial and fungicidal mechanisms, and an avalanche-like strengthening of the immune signal due to interaction with other participants in the immune process. On the other hand, hyperactivation of neutrophilic granulocytes can have negative consequences. In particular, the formation of unreasonably high amounts of reactive oxygen species leads to tissue damages and, as a consequence, a spontaneous aggravation and prolongation of the inflammatory process. Under physiological conditions, a large number of DNA fragments are present in inflammation foci: both of microbial and self-tissue origin. We investigated effects of several short modified hexanucleotides on the main indicators of neutrophil activation, as well as their influence on the immunomodulatory activity of known synthetic CpG-ODNs. The results obtained show that short oligonucleotides partially inhibit the prooxidant effect of synthetic CpG-ODNs without significantly affecting the ability of the latter to overcome bacteria-induced pro-survival effects on neutrophilic granulocytes.


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