scholarly journals Public criticism as an instrument of prevention of violence in society

2020 ◽  
pp. 114-146
Author(s):  
Lidiya Timofeeva
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
The Public ◽  
Management Group ◽  
Cultural Violence ◽  
The Government ◽  
American Political Scientist ◽  
Communicative Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Public Criticism

Power is often interpreted as a violence, which is answered by other violence on the part of the opposition. The stronger the tyranny of the government, the stronger the resistance from the opposition, even to the use of terror. The Norwegian conflictologist J. Galtung in his concept of structural and cultural violence and the American political scientist R. Galtung have convincingly shown what comes out of such a confrontation. Dahl, who explored the relationship between the government and the opposition through public rivalry. Today often consider a category of «power» is not so much traditional power key as a communicative, discourse – as a phenomenon arising out of communicating and involving the society to choose a certain political code of the alternatives proposed by the management group and resulting from their joint discourse. In this case, such tools of political communication as public criticism and alternative views on what is happening on the part of the public, the opposition helps to avoid violence and understand not only how power arises, but also why it loses its authority and the opposition strengthens. The basis for this analysis, we find in critical theory of the German marxists and, above all, the scientific representatives of the Frankfurt school H. Arendt and J. Habermas, in genetic structuralism P. Bourdieu in the theory of self-referential systems of N. Luhmann, in post-sructuralism in M. Foucault et al. The reluctance of the authorities and the opposition to cooperate with each other in the form of constructive discourse is explained in particular by the «fundamentalism» in the thinking of both. The historical concept analysis of the Russian radical opposition shows that its ontogenesis is persistently reproduced every time a political (ideological) resource of the government is developed and society loses its perspective of development, when the government does not create itself and does not perceive alternatives from its opponents and prohibits public criticism.

Tanggung Jawab Hukum Penilai Publik terhadap Laporan Penilaian Kegiatan Pengadaan Tanah bagi Pembangunan untuk Kepentingan Umum (Studi Atas Kantor Jasa Penilai Publik Toto Suharto)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gagah Yaumiyya Riyoprakoso ◽  
AM Hasan Ali ◽  
Fitriyani Zein
Keyword(s):  
Future Development ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Legal Responsibility ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Systematic Explanation

This study is based on the legal responsibility of the assessment of public appraisal reports they make in land procurement activities for development in the public interest. Public assessment is obliged to always be accountable for their assessment. The type of research found in this thesis is a type of normative legal research with the right-hand of the statue approach and case approach. Normative legal research is a study that provides systematic explanation of rules governing a certain legal category, analyzing the relationship between regulations explaining areas of difficulty and possibly predicting future development. . After conducting research, researchers found that one of the causes that made the dispute was a lack of communication conducted between the Government and the landlord. In deliberation which should be the place where the parties find the meeting point between the parties on the magnitude of the damages that will be given, in the field is often used only for the delivery of the assessment of the compensation that has been done.

The Relationship Between Government Popularity and Approval for the Government's Record in the United Kingdom

1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hudson
Keyword(s):  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
State Of The Economy ◽  
Degree Of Stability ◽  
Key Variables ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opinion Polls

The past decade has seen the growth of a considerable literature on the link between government popularity, as reflected by the proportion of the public indicating their intention to vote for the government in opinion polls, and the state of the economy, as represented by certain key variables. The work began in the early 1970s with articles by Goodhart and Bhansali, Mueller, and Kramer. It continued through the decade; some of the more recent contributions can be found in a set of readings edited by Hibbs and Fassbender. However, despite the amount and quality of this work, problems remain. Principal amongst these, as Chrystal and Alt have pointed out, is the inability to estimate a relationship which exhibits any degree of stability either over time or between researchers. Nearly all the studies have been successful in finding a significant relationship for specific time periods, but when these are extended, or when the function is used to forecast outside the original estimation period, the relationship appears to break down.

Mediascape and Movement

2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Public ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.

Hiding a Ritual of Obedience

2020 ◽  
pp. 196-223
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Taïeb
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Physical Violence ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Public Culture ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Third ◽  
Symbolic Construction ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter describes executions as rituals of obedience and discusses how it was used in the symbolic construction of the relationship between rulers and citizens by attempting to force individual internalization of the state's monopoly over legitimate physical violence. The chapter talks about how the elimination of executionary publicity becomes inseparable from the practices of the modern public sphere. Under the Third Republic, many people learned to be the spectators of new sights that worked by representing a reality that was physically absent (dioramas, cinema) and in turn acquired new standards of speed. They came to find executions too slow, marred by shocking incidents, severed from reality, and likely to produce unhealthy emotions. Ultimately, these spectators began to develop a public culture accustomed to more distanced forms of political communication. The depublicization of executions was achieved when the authorities concluded that the public spectacle of death no longer had an exemplary effect and was no longer a tool that legitimized the state's monopoly over physical violence.

How a participatory process with inclusive structural design allocates resources toward poor neighborhoods: the case of participatory budgeting in Seoul, South Korea

2020 ◽  
pp. 002085232094366
Author(s):  
Won No ◽  
Lily Hsueh
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Structural Design ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
Participatory Process ◽  
Participatory Budgeting ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Money ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines the relationship between inclusiveness with respect to the structural design of the participatory process and resource allocation outcomes in participatory budgeting. Empirically, this article examines the case of participatory budgeting in Seoul, South Korea, where redistribution is not an explicit goal. Findings suggest that creating organizational structures that enable and encourage public participation has led Seoul’s participatory budgeting to distribute public funds toward poor neighborhoods. Points for practitioners Participatory budgeting is an exemplar practice of public participation in the government decision-making process. It is a local budgeting practice that allows the public to participate, discuss, deliberate, and decide where and how to spend public money. This study highlights the importance of designing inclusive organizational structures in participatory budgeting to encourage public participation. Empirical results underscore the link between inclusive organizational structures and more equitable allocation outcomes.

Electronic Surveillance for the Public Good

2007 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Liz Lee-Kelley ◽  
Ailsa Kolsaker
Keyword(s):  
Public Good ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Electronic Surveillance ◽  
The Public ◽  
Surveillance Technology ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Relationship

The central government in the UK is determined to employ new surveillance technology to combat the threat of terrorist activities. This chapter contributes to the important debate on the relationship between citizens and the government, by discussing not whether electronic surveillance should be used, but rather, when it is acceptable to the populace. From our analysis, we conclude that a reconciliation of state-interest and self-interest is critical for the success of e-governance; as such, electronic surveillance’s mission has to be about serving the law-abiding majority and their needs, and its scope and benefits must be clearly understood by the visionaries, implementers and the citizenry.

Colonialism with benefits? Singaporean peoplehood and colonial contradiction

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-644
Author(s):  
Philip Holden
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Subject Formation ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Individual Subject ◽  
Recent Immigrants ◽  
American Political Scientist ◽  
The Relationship

Most of the research presented in this special issue questions the notion of a singular Singaporean story, and yet this narrative persists as a form of Gramscian common sense for most Singaporeans, whether young or old, and also for recent immigrants and international commentators. To understand the reasons for this persistence, I turn to American political scientist Rogers M. Smith's concept of narratives of peoplehood, and in particular his notion of ethically constitutive stories that are central to individual subject formation. The role of the colonial past in such stories of Singapore is contradictory, in that the relationship between colonialism and the nation-state is seen simultaneously in terms of rupture and continuity, and this conceals a further contradiction in terms of the relationship between individual and the collective. In exploring these contradictions, and in tracing reparative possibilities for new stories of peoplehood, I will, in conclusion, turn to recent literary narratives, and in particular recent historical speculative fiction that revisions the colonial past.

Perceived accountability for local government infrastructure assets: the influence of stakeholders

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavithra Siriwardhane ◽  
Dennis Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Chief Executive Officers ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Stakeholder Salience ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Executive Officers ◽  
Policy Incentives ◽  
The Relationship

Purpose The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the degree of stakeholder salience and the degree of emphasis placed on accountability dimensions for infrastructure assets (IFAs) as perceived by mayors and chief executive officers (CEOs) of local government authorities (LGAs). Comparisons are drawn between the salience accorded to two broad stakeholder groups at the public level and at the government level. Design/methodology/approach Perceptions of mayors and CEOs are examined through a mail questionnaire survey administered among LGAs in Australia. Findings Overall accountability for IFAs by the LGAs is influenced by the salience accorded to the demands and needs of public stakeholders (PSs) but not the salience accorded to government stakeholders (GS). It is evident that public and managerial accountabilities are impacted by PS salience, whereas political accountability is impacted by the salience of GS. Thus, it emphasises that the establishment and implementation of policies, processes and systems that render transparency and responsiveness to the public, as well as service quality and the disclosure of performance measures, are positively affected by the salience accorded to PS groups. Research limitations/implications The results of the study may be affected by the inherent weaknesses associated with mail surveys. Practical implications Accountability of LGAs for IFAs to GS needs enhancement, specifically stronger policy incentives. Originality/value This paper contributes to the literature, providing evidence on how mayors and CEOs of LGAs perceive the salience of different stakeholders of IFAs and its impact on the perceived accountability.

Extraordinary politics in the Polish transition

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Rose
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Public ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
Current Economic Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Regime Transitions

Among the arguments for rapid economic reform in transitions to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, scholars have argued that rapid reformers could better take advantage of the period of ‘extraordinary politics’ at the beginning of the transition. Regime transitions provide a unique opportunity for politicians to implement economic reform since the public is more likely to grant the government room to reform. If the public is more likely to give politicians this window of opportunity, politicians should implement far-reaching reforms during that period. I test two propositions in this paper: (1) politicians in office during a period of liberalization will get high positive ratings at the polls which will gradually deplete over time; and (2) at the beginning of the transition, views of the current economic situation will not predict views of politics. I find that approval of the Polish government was unusually high in the first one and one-half to two years of the Polish transition. In the same period, assessments of the current economic situation only weakly affected assessments of politics. After the period of extraordinary politics comes to an end, the relationship between political and economic assessments is much stronger. Thus, in a country with a harsh economic reform program and six contentious national elections within eight years, there is strong evidence that politicians benefited from a period of extraordinary politics at the beginning of the regime.

scholarly journals Guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos: o caso da Guerra do Iraque em 2003 / War and public opinion in the United States: the Iraq War in 2003

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
The United States ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Global War On Terrorism ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Relationship

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.

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