scholarly journals Ekstensifikasi Subjectum Litis dalam Perselisihan Pemilu Legislatif dan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 828
Author(s):  
Oly Viana Agustine
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Threshold Difference ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Right

Subjectum litis in The Legislative and Regional Head Election Disputes in Indonesia has been determined in a limited manner in The legislation and The regulation of the Constitutional Court. However along with the election, there is expansion and constriction of subjectum litis. The purpose of this study was to investigate the determinant factors that cause flexibility of subjectum litis in legislative and regional head election dispute. In addition, no previous studies that examine factors associated with the causes flexibility of subjectum litis in the legislative and the regional headselestion.The method used in this research is using qualitative methods with normative juridical approach by collecting data and information of the legislative and head regional election dispute advance in literature. The results obtained in this study that the shift in legislative elections expanded not only to political parties and individuals DPD that can be subjectum litis but also those of individual candidates of political parties can be subjectum litis in the legislative election disputes. The factor that caused it is the choice of electoral system is still used to 2014 electoral system. Meanwhile, the Regional Head election disputes in general as subjectum litis are that couple candidates for Governor and Vice Governor, Regent and Vice Regent and the Mayor and Deputy Mayor. But in its development, the narrowing of the only candidates who met the threshold difference of votes that can act as an applicant. Besides narrowing, there is also an extension where Consitutional court accommodate domestic election observers were registered and accredited by the KPU / KIP can act as subjectum litis and as the applicant would be candidates in the General Election of 2010. Factors that cause the narrowing and expansion in the elections of regional heads are the will of lawmakers and the limited authority of the Consitutional court as well as the presence of a single candidate who is not predictable by lawmakers in drafting electoral laws regional head. Whereas in 2010, the expansion of subjectum litis because the Court did extensive interpretation caused by serious violations of the right to be elected (rights to be a candidate). Suggestions for lawmakers tobe more thoroughly formulate norms by looking at the existing state of society so it can bring justice and legal certainty both for the expectant couple and society.

Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurdistan Saeed ◽  
Chawan Salah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Party System ◽  
Analytical Study ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Right

This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.

scholarly journals Fungsi partai politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dan legislatif berdasar pada sistem pemerintahan di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-153
Author(s):  
Taufikkurrahman Taufikkurrahman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Vice Presidents ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Presidential Systems

Partai Politik memiliki peran strategis dalam konsolidasi demokrasi setelah Indonesia merdeka khususnya setelah bergulirnya era reformasi. Kehadiran partai politik memiliki fungsi urgen untuk diperhatikan dan diberikan ruang. Salah satu fungsinya adalah pada recruitment politik dalam pengisian jabatan politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dan legislatif di Indonesia. Fungsi tersebut akan dirasa berbeda karena sistem pemerintahan yang diterapkan di Indonesia agak berbeda dengan sistem negara lain sekalipun sama-sama menggunakan sistem presidensial. Fungsi recruitment dapat dilihat pada sistem pemilu yang diselenggarakan di Indonesia baik pada pemilihan anggota legislatif atau juga dalam pemilihan pasangan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Disamping itu terdapat perbedaan fungsi partai secara kelembagaan pada dua kekuasaan tersebut. Pada kekuasaan legislatif, partai politik diberikan ruang yang cukup fundamental dengan diberikannya hak membentuk fraksi sesuai afiliasi politik sehingga akan memudahkan dalam menjalankan fungsi-fungsi lembaga perwakilan. Sedangkan pada kekuasaan eksekutif, sekalipun partai politik tidak diberikan hak yang sama karena indonesia menggunakan sistem pemerintahan presidensial tetapi pengaruh partai politik pada kekuasaan eksekutif dilakukan dalam hubungan ketatanegaraan antara DPR dan Presiden dalam menjalankan wewenang masing-masing.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Political parties have a strategic role in consolidating democracy after Indonesia's independence, especially after the reform era. The presence of the political party certainly has a vital function to be considered and given space. One of its features is in political recruitment in filling political positions in the executive and legislative powers in Indonesia. This function is different because the government system implemented in Indonesia is somewhat different from other countries' systems even though they use presidential systems together. The recruitment function can see in the electoral system held in Indonesia both in the legislative elections and also in the election of the pair of Presidents and Vice Presidents. Besides that, there are differences in party functions institutionally in the two powers of eager. In legislative power, political parties are given a reasonably fundamental space by giving them the right to form a faction according to political affiliation so that it will facilitate the carrying out of the functions of representative institutions. While the executive power, even though political parties not give the same rights because Indonesia uses a presidential system of government but the influence of political parties on the executive power is carrying out in constitutional relations between the parliament and the President.

The Never-ending Story of Law and Electoral System in Lesotho

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoolo Nyane
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Mixed Electoral System ◽  
2012 Election

While electoral discontent has been the enduring feature of constitutional democracy in Lesotho since independence, disagreement over electoral system is a fairly recent phenomenon. When the country attained independence in 1966 from Britain, electoral system was not necessarily one of the topical issues of pre-independence constitutional negotiations. The major issues were the powers of the monarch, the office of prime minister, the command of the army and many more.  It was taken for granted that the country would use the British-based plurality electoral system.  This is the system which the country used until early 2000s when the electoral laws were reformed to anchor a new mixed electoral system.  When the new electoral laws were ultimately passed in 2001, the country transitioned from a plurality electoral system to a two-ballot mixed member proportional system. By this time, electoral system had acquired prominence in politico-legal discourse in Lesotho.  In the run-up to 2007 elections, bigger political parties orchestrated the manipulation of electoral laws which culminated in clearly distorted electoral outcomes. The manipulations motivated further reforms in the run-up to 2012 election which resulted in the single-ballot mixed member proportional system. The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate how electoral laws have anchored electoral system reforms throughout the various historical epochs in Lesotho since independence. The paper contends that while the country has been courageous, unlike most of its peers, to introduce far-reaching electoral system changes, the reform of electoral laws has not been so helpful in attaining the higher objectives of political inclusivity, constitutionalism and stability in Lesotho.

scholarly journals La prohibición de partidos políticos en Alemania. Del nuevo criterio de la potencialidad y la reciente reforma constitucional para la no financiación de formaciones antidemocráticas pero constitucionales // The prohibition on political parties in Germany. The new criterion of potentiality and the recent constitutional reform for not funding anti-democratic but constitutional formations

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (102) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Pablo Fernández de Casadevante Mayordomo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Implications ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
Principle Of Proportionality ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Criterion

Resumen:El año 2017 fue testigo de importantes acontecimientos en relación con el fenómeno de la ideología de ultra derecha en Alemania. Si en enero, el Tribunal Constitucional Federal fallaba en contra de la prohibición del  NPD pese a reconocer el carácter antidemocrático de sus objetivos, en julio entraba en vigor una reforma constitucional para excluir de la financiación estatal a formaciones políticas que, siendo contrarias al orden democrático, no sean objeto de prohibición al carecer del potencial necesario para alcanzar sus objetivos. A modo de colofón, septiembre finalizaba con la celebración de elecciones federales y la entrada de la AfD en el Bundestag como tercera fuerza política. A la luz de todo ello, en el presente trabajo se apuesta por el análisis de las principales implicaciones jurídicas derivadas de dichos hechos, ello con el ánimo de ofrecer al lector una visión actualizada sobre el control jurídico aplicable a la ideología de los partidos políticos en Alemania.Summary1. Introduction. 2. The right of every democratic system to its self-defence. 2.1. Theoretical approach. 2.2. Express intangibility clauses and ideological control. 3. The defense of democracy and political parties in the German legal system. 3.1. The German concept of militant democracy. 3.2. Legal regime applicable to anti-democratic political parties. 3.2.1. Constitutional framework. 3.2.2. Basic legislative framework. 4. The German jurisprudential adaptation to the ECHR conventionality control: the NPD case. 4.1. The necessity test according to the ECHR jurisprudence. 4.2. Potentiality as a substitute for the principle of proportionality. 4.3. Anti-democratic but constitutional. 5. Main observations after the recent constitutional reform. 6. Conclusions. Bibliography.Abstract:2017 witnessed important events in relation to the phenomenon of the right-wing ideology in Germany. First, in January, the Federal Constitutional Court ruled against the prohibition of the NPD, despite recognizing the anti-democratic nature of its objectives; then, in July, a constitutional reform came into effect to exclude from the state funding those political formations that, contravening the democratic order, are not prohibited as they lack the necessary potential to achieve their objectives. To conclude, September ended with the holding of federal elections and the entry of the AfD into the Bundestag, as the country’s third largest force. In light of all this, the present work is committed to the analysis of the main legal implications derived from these events, this with the aim to offer the reader an updated view on the legal control applicable to theideology of political parties in Germany.

Not much happened: The impact of gender quotas in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Impact

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

The Impact of the Electoral System on Government Formation: The Case of Post-Communist Hungary

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
CSABA NIKOLENYI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Government Formation ◽  
Electoral Coalitions ◽  
Coalition Formation Process ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Conventional theories of government formation have assumed that the coalition formation process starts after legislative elections are over and the distribution of parliamentary seats becomes common knowledge. This perspective, however, ignores the important constraints that the formation of electoral coalitions may exert on the formation of the government. This article argues that the electoral system of Hungary provides very strong incentives for political parties to build electoral coalitions, which are also identified as alternative governments before the electorate.

scholarly journals Factors Associated with a Lack of Willingness to Vaccinate against COVID-19 in Poland: A 2021 Nationwide Cross-Sectional Survey

Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 1000
Author(s):  
Filip Raciborski ◽  
Piotr Samel-Kowalik ◽  
Mariusz Gujski ◽  
Jarosław Pinkas ◽  
Magdalena Arcimowicz ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Sectional Study ◽  
Cross Sectional Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
The Right

We aimed to assess the factors associated with a lack of willingness to vaccinate against COVID-19 among adults in Poland three months after the introduction of mass vaccination against COVID-19 in Poland. This cross-sectional study was carried out between 8 and 18 April 2021 on a representative nationwide sample of 1131 inhabitants of Poland aged 18 and over. Almost one-third of adult inhabitants of Poland (30%; 95%CI: 27.4–32.7%) declared a lack of willingness to vaccinate against COVID-19. Females had higher odds of refusing COVID-19 vaccination compared with males (OR = 1.68; 95%CI: 1.25–2.27). The lack of higher education was significantly (p < 0.001) associated with greater odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination. Participants living in rural areas compared with those living in the largest cities (over 500,000 inhabitants) had three times higher odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination (OR = 3.20; 95%CI: 1.71–6.01). Respondents who declared willingness to vote for one of the right-wing political parties publicly supporting the anti-vaccination movement in Poland had eight times higher odds (OR = 8.01; 95%CI: 3.65–17.60) of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination compared with other groups. Moreover, those who had three children or more, respondents who declared passivity towards participating in religious practices as well as active internet users had significantly higher odds of refusing the COVID-19 vaccination.

scholarly journals El sistema electoral en Alemania a examen

2020 ◽  
pp. 479
Author(s):  
Yolanda Fernández Vivas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Reference Model ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Allocation Procedure ◽  
The World ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
Seat Allocation

El trabajo que aquí presentamos es un análisis del sistema electoral alemán, que se caracteriza por ser un modelo de referencia en el mundo, al combinar elementos del sistema mayoritario y proporcional y en el que se presta especial atención al procedimiento de elaboración de candidaturas en el seno de los partidos políticos. Además, se analizan las últimas reformas efectuadas en el procedimiento de asignación de escaños y la labor desempeñada por el Tribunal Constitucional federal en la delimitación del sistema.This paper analyzes the German electoral system, which is characterized by being a reference model in the world, combining elements of both majority and proportional systems and in which the candidates` nomination within political parties is especially relevant. In addition, there is an analysis of the latest legal reforms that affected the seat allocation procedure and the influence of the Federal Constitutional Court in the delimitation of the whole system.

scholarly journals Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Legal Uncertainty ◽  
The Right

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.

scholarly journals BATASAN TERHADAP IMUNITAS ADVOKAT YANG DIPERLUAS BERDASARKAN PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 26/PUU-XI/2013

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
Oey Valentino Winata ◽  
Wisnu Aryo Dewanto
Keyword(s):  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Good Faith ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Professional Code ◽  
Court Proceedings ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

The basis for granting immunity to advocates is in Article 16 of Law No. 18 of 2003, that advocates cannot be prosecuted both civil and criminal in carrying out their professional duties in good faith in the interests of the Client's defense in court proceedings. The immunity obtained by advocates is not only within the scope of the court, but also protects it outside the court. The immunity has been expanded based on the Constitutional Court Decision Number 26 / PUU-XI / 2013. The granting of immunity to such advocates is considered as an act that violates the provisions of Article 28 D of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, that everyone has the right to recognition, guarantee protection and fair legal certainty and equal treatment before the law. However, the right to immunity from lawsuits (immunity) to advocates does not conflict with Article 28D of the 1945 Constitution if given with limitations to advocates who are one of law enforcers in Indonesia, these restrictions apply both outside and in court proceedings. The limitation is in the form of a professional code of ethics and legislation, as well as good faith. Any action that goes beyond or beyond these three limits cannot be protected by immunity, so that if one of the three limits is exceeded, advocates can be legally processed and sentenced based on applicable regulations.Dasar pemberian imunitas kepada advokat ada pada Pasal 16 UU No. 18 Tahun 2003, bahwa advokat tidak dapat dituntut baik secara perdata maupun pidana dalam menjalankan tugas profesinya dengan iktikad baik untuk kepentingan pembelaan Klien dalam sidang pengadilan. Imunitas yang didapatkan advokat ternyata tidak hanya dalam lingkup pengadilan, tetapi juga melindunginya diluar pengadilan. Imunitas tersebut telah diperluas berdasarkan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 26/PUU-XI/2013. Pemberian imunitas kepada advokat tersebut dianggap sebagai suatu perbuatan yang melanggar ketentuan Pasal 28D Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945, bahwa setiap orang berhak atas pengakuan, jaminan perlindungan dan kepastian hukum yang adil serta perlakuan yang sama dihadapan hukum. Tetapi hak atas kekebalan dari tuntutan hukum (imunitas) kepada advokat tersebut menjadi tidak bertentangan dengan Pasal 28D UUD 1945 apabila diberikan dengan batasan-batasan kepada advokat yang merupakan salah satu penegak hukum di Indonesia, batasan tersebut berlaku baik di luar maupun di dalam sidang pengadilan. Batasan tersebut berupa kode etik profesi dan peraturan perundang-undangan, serta iktikad baik. Setiap tindakan yang melampaui atau diluar ketiga batasan tersebut, tidak bisa dilindungi oleh imunitas, sehingga atas dilampauinya salah satu dari ketiga batasan tersebut maka advokat dapat diproses secara hukum dan dijatuhi hukuman berdasarkan peraturan yang berlaku.

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