scholarly journals Refleksi Fenomena Judicialization of Politics pada Politik Hukum Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Indra Perwira
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Judicialization Of Politics ◽  
Political Settlement

This paper aims  to  introduce  the  phenomenon  of  judicialization  of  politics in the treasury of  legal  thought  in  Indonesia.  In  addition,  this  paper  also  aims to reflect the presence of judicialization of politics in the  Constitutional  Court, either through legal policy  on  establishment  of  constitutional  court  or  through its decisions. Theoretically, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics began to be known at the beginning of the 21st century characterized by the dependence of society to the court to resolve the issues related to morality, public policy, and political controversies. The presence of judicialization of politics can be reflected from the shift in the political settlement of the case which was originally made through political mechanisms to the settlement through a judicial mechanism. To see the phenomenon, this paper will explore the legal policy on establishment of the Constitutional Court. Through a historical perspective on the establishment, this paper would like to indicate that, in nature, the Constitutional Court is a political institution. In addition, this paper also analyzes the Constitutional Court decision in the case of judicial review on “Perpu” of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the decision regarding the dispute Election East Java province in 2008,  to show that the phenomenon of judicialization of politics has lived and practiced  in the Constitutional Court as well.

scholarly journals Kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi Memutus Perselisihan Hasil Pemilu Sebagai Bentuk Judicialization 0f Politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdurrachman Satrio
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Public Policy Making ◽  
Constitutional State ◽  
Judicialization Of Politics

Judicialization of politics are the phenomenon which usually happen in a democratic constitutional state, which cause power movement to resolve problems which related to public policy making and political nature, from the political institution to judicial institution. In Indonesia this phenomenon arise in the authority of the Constitutional Court, especially in the authority of the Constitutional Court when they adjudicate electoral result dispute, whichs so far, most widely submitted cases to the Constitutional Court. But, as a independent and impartial judicial institution the Constitutional Court must restrict to adjudicate the political cases such as electoral result dispute so that this institution would not be politicking object of another branch of government, however judicialization of politics phenomenon is something that Constitutional Court would not avoid, so that this article will examine how important the Constitutional Court to priority judicial restraint principle in order to adjudicate electoral result dispute, so that Constitutional Court would not be politicking object of another branch of government.

scholarly journals MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI NEUTRALIZER TERHADAP LEMBAGA POLITIK

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Ali Marwan HSB
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Important Process ◽  
The Future ◽  
Review Mechanism

Sebelum dibentuknya Mahkamah Konstitusi semua proses penting di negeri ini sarat dengan muatan politik, seperti tidak adanya mekanisme pengujian undang-undang, pembubaran partai politik secara sepihak dari Presiden dan impeachment Presiden dilakukan dengan alasan yang subjektif dan multitafsir. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan pada penulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian normatif dengan dua pendekatan yaitu pendekatan sejarah dan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah dibentuknya Mahkamah Konstitusi semua proses penting yang selama ini menjadi wewenang lembaga politik dan dilaksanakan sarat dengan muatan politik menjadi kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Diharapkan di masa yang akan datang proses penting di negeri ini dilaksanakan sesuai hukum yang berlaku. Mengingat begitu besarnya kekuasaan yang diberikan kepada Mahkamah Konstitusi, untuk masa yang akan datang untuk mengisi posisi Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi tidak diberikan lagi kepada lembaga-lembaga politik melainkan kepada suatu komisi yang terdiri dari ahli-ahli hukum tata negara yang berkompeten di bidangnya.<p>Before the establishment of the constitutional court, all important process in this country loaded with political contents, such as there is no judicial review mechanism, liquidation unilaterally the political parties by the President and presidential impeach performed with subjective reasons and multiple interpretations. This research is using normative method with a two approach namely historical and legislation approaches. The result of research shows that after establishment of the constitutional court, all important process which has been the political institution authority and implemented with laden of politics capacity has become the constitutional court authority. It is hoped that in the future all important process in this country implemented suitable with applicable laws. considering the magnitude of power who given to the constitutional court, for the future to fill the position of Judge of the Constitutional Court no longer given to the political institutions but could be given to a commission which is consisting of experts in constitutional law who competent in their field.</p>

scholarly journals Yudisialisasi Politik dan Sikap Menahan Diri: Peran Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Menguji Undang-Undang

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 473
Author(s):  
Bisariyadi Bisariyadi
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Theoretical Justification ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Aggressive Approach ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
Executive Discretion ◽  
Judicialization Of Politics

In a review of the constitutionality of law or policy, the Constitutional Court can take an aggressive approach or choose to take self-restraint. Theoretical justification on the Court to change or made policy derived from the judicialization of politics. Global phenomenon indicates the shift of policy-making authority towards the judiciary. Consequently, policy makers shows resistence. Such conditions forced the Court to use a number of strategies to reduce political tensions between state institutions while at the same time the Court still protect the rights of citizens. The Court uses self-restraint approach to examine policies which in realm of legislative or executive discretion. This approach is referred to by the Court as an “open(ed) legal policy”. This study elaborates on the actions carried out by the Indonesian Constitutional Court to test the constitutionality of law or policy, both in the application of the judicialization of politics nor in the judicial restraint approach. In reality, the Court uses both of these approaches on review the constitutionality of law and  policy.

From Parliament to Courtroom

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Jan Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political System ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

The Czech Constitutional Court has gained a strong position within the political system. This article examines the judicial review of legislation from the point of view of the relation between the court and the parliament. The authors analyze trends in the use of petitions proposing the annulment of statutes, who makes use of the petitions, how successful the petitioners are, and what issues the petitions concern. The article pairs a quantitative view with a qualitative analysis of key selected decisions by the court, especially in the sphere of mega-politics. The authors test whether judicial review of legislation serves as a tool for parliamentary opposition. The results show the decisive effects of a legislative majority in the lower house of the parliament. If the government lacks a majority, the use of judicial review of legislation as an oppositional tool fades. Also important is the weakness of the upper house, which makes senators more likely to resort to using judicial review of legislation. An especially crucial factor is the presence of independent and semi-independent senators who, without broader political backing, see judicial review of legislation as a welcome tool. The most frequent topics of the petitions were transitional justice, social policy, and the legislative process.

scholarly journals Legal-Political Paradigm of Indonesian Constitutional Court: Defending a Principled Instrumentalist Court

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Mirza Satria Buana
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Review Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
History Of

The establishment of the Indonesian Constitutional Court in 2003 signified the formation of a bridge between the judiciary and politics. Through its judicial review process, there is a more tangible presence of the judiciary and court in the political arena. The Court helps with addressing moral predicaments and influencing the products of the legislature. This paper discusses the shifting of the legal-politico paradigm, particularly relating to judicial leadership of the Court because this significantly affects the role of the Court in the political arena. The history of the establishment of the Court’s authority in judicial review is explored through a stylised analysis of the actions of two early Chief Justices. This paper also examines two Court decisions which illustrated the Court’s authority on judicial review because they demonstrated the importance of policy-driven decisions and judicial restraint. The main argument of this work is that it is hard to categorize the legal-politico actions of the Indonesian Court into either legalism or instrumentalism. Often, the Court synthesises the two. The legal-politico paradigm is a dynamic one. The most feasible model of the Indonesian Constitutional Court is that of a Principled Instrumentalist Court, where policy decisions guide the formation of legislation according to constitutional values, but the judges maintain prudential self-restraint.

scholarly journals Transition from Austrian to American Model of Judicial Review in the European Court of Justice

2021 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-153
Author(s):  
I.S. Grigoriev
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
European Court Of Justice ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Gradual Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Relative Role ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
European Court ◽  
American Model

Legal scholars distinguish between two main models of judi cial review — the American model and Austrian (European) one. In the American model, the scope of discretion and the relative role of the constitutional court in the political system are noticeably higher than in the Aust rian one. The author traces the history of the origin of these two models, explains the differences between them and raises the question of whether the boundaries between these two ideal types are too rigid or whether a gradual transition from the Austrian model to the American one (without formal constitutional reform) is possible. The author provides the answer drawing on the real case of such transition that occurred in the European Court of Justice in the 1960s. This case is unique precisely because the change in the system of the judicial review was the result of the gradual “migration” from one model to the other, rather than the result of an outside reform. Similar to Baron Munchausen, who pulled himself out of the swamp by his own hair, the European Court of Justice was able to independently, through its own decisions, alter the order of the judicial review in the European Union, bringing it closer to the American model. In the final part of the article, the author places this transition into a broader historical context, demonstrating that the success of the construction of a new European legal order was not predetermined and consisted of the decisions taken by the judges in each specific case. However, any national constitutional court finds itself in a similar situation after a change of the political regime. As a rule of thumb, new constitutional courts are created according to the Austrian model and are institutionally similar to the legislative branch of government, but in order to make judicial review efficient, they need to transform into the American model, becoming more similar to the courts of general jurisdiction. In this respect, the experience of the European Court of Justice can be extremely useful for them.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURT VERDICT NUMBER 14/PUU-XI/2013 ON THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
. Suparto
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Article 9

In judicial review on Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 on Election of President and Vice-President which regulates presidential threshold, the Constitutional Court declined it since it is an open legal policy mandated by Article 6 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution that the administration of President and Vice-President election will be further regulated in a Law. This reason is deemed insufficient as the Article 6 paragraph (5) regulates procedures (phases of the process), not requirements for candidates of President and Vice President to be eligible on participating in the election. Moreover, Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 potentially expands the norms as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution in which the candidates for President and Vice President shall be nominated by a political party or coalition of political parties participating in the election prior to the election without any other frills (the threshold).The term presidential threshold that is being used up until now is actually incorrect term; instead, presidential candidacy threshold should be considered as the more appropriate term.Keywords: Presidential Election, Presidential threshold, Constitutional Court Verdict.

scholarly journals Putusan Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 dan Standar Konstitusional Dispensasi Perkawinan

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 573
Author(s):  
Faiq Tobroni
Keyword(s):  
Free Will ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
Unmet Expectations ◽  
Legislative Review

Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 74/PUU-XII/2014 meninggalkan harapan yang belum terpenuhi, yakni rumusan standar konstitusional sebagai pertimbangan dalam pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Makalah ini akan menjawab alasan mengapa MK menolak merumuskannya? dan bagaimana standar konstitusional yang bisa dirumuskan? MK menolak permohonan pemohon judicial review untuk menjadikan kehamilan di luar perkawinan sebagai satu-satunya standar pemberian dispensasi umur perkawinan. Penolakan ini mengisyaratkan MK menganggap bahwa hal itu merupakan open legal policy; suatu saat bisa berubah sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan konteks masyarakat. MK juga tidak menggunakan UUD 1945 untuk merumuskan rumusan standar konstitusional dispensasi perkawinan karena hal itu harus ditempuh melalui legislative review. Sebagai tawaran dari penulis dalam legislative review, standar konstitusionalnya bisa dirumuskan melalui pendekatan hukum non sistematik dan pembacaan maqashid syari’ah. Pertimbangannya harus memperhatikan perlindungan kepentingan agama (Pasal 28E ayat (1) UUD 1945), kepentingan kepastian hukum bagi pelaku (Pasal 28D ayat (1) UUD 1945), kebebasan kehendak dan keyakinan (Pasal 28E ayat (2) UUD 1945), kepentingan kesejahteraan hidup (Pasal 28H ayat (1) UUD 1945), dan hak asasi yang dimiliki keturunan (Pasal 28B ayat (1) UUD 1945).The decision of Constitutional Court Number 74/PUU-XII/2014 leaves the unmet expectations, which is the standard for an exemption in marital age. The paper will provide the answer to the reason why the Court refused to set the standard? And how the Court should formulate it as the constitutional standards? The Court rejected the petitioner arguments in the judicial review case to make pre-marital pregnancy as the only standard to set an exemption of marital age. It suggests that the Court considers it is an “open legal policy”; where the policy may change according to the needs of society. The Court also did not use the Constitution to give the interpretation on the constitutional standard in marital exemption because it must be pursued by way of review by the parliament. The author offers, in term of legislative review, that the standards can be formulated through a non-systematic legal approach and the interpretation of maqashid syari’ah. The arguments should pay attention to the protection of religious interests (Article 28E (1) of the Constitution), the interests of legal certainty of the citizens (Article 28D (1) of the Constitution), free will and belief (Article 28E (2) of the Constitution), the welfare (Article 28H (1) of the Constitution), and the rights of descendants (Article 28B (1) of the 1945 Constitution).

scholarly journals An Analysis of the Death Penalty in Indonesia Criminal Law

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eddy Rifai
Keyword(s):  
Mental Illness ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Mentally Ill ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Policy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Reaction

This research uses normative juridical approach to study on the analysis of the death penalty executions and the legal policy of death executions in Indonesia. There are delays on death executions for the convicted person since they entitled to using rights namely filing a judicial review (PK/Peninjauan Kembali). Furthermore, the legal loophole in the execution of the death penalty by the publication of the Constitutional Court Number 107 / PUU-XIII / 2015 which assert that the Attorney as the executor can ask the convicted person or his family whether to use their rights or not if the convict clearly does not want to use his rights, the executions will be carried out. Legal policy on threats and the implementation of the death penalty in the draft of criminal code was agreed by draftsman of the bill with the solutions. The draftsman of the bill agrees that the death penalty will be an alternative punishment sentenced as a last resort to protect the society. The bill also regulates that the execution among others include that the execution can be delayed by ten years probations. If the public reaction on the convict is not too large or convict has regret and could fix it or the role in the crime is not very important and there is a reason to reduce punishment, the death penalty may be changed. For pregnant women and the mentally ill convicts the execution can only be carried after the birth and the person has recovered from mental illness. The existence of this solutions is still kept putting the death penalty in criminal law, whereas the effectiveness of the death penalty is scientifically still in doubt to solve crimes and to prevent crimes by the death penalty punishment.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Yuridis Putusan Constitutional Review Mahkamah Konstitusi Tentang Hak Mantan Narapidana Untuk Menjadi Pejabat Publik Yang Dipilih

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanang Nur Wahyudi ◽  
Nynda Fatmawati Octarina
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Universal Declaration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

Hak Politik dilindungi hukum, baik secara internasional maupun nsional. secara internasional, hak politik diatur Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). hak politik juga dilindungi konsitusi kita dan beberapa peraturan Perundang-Undangan lainnya, serutama Undang-Undang no 39 tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Adanya ketentuan yang merupakan syarat untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan yang jelas membatasi bahkan meniadakan hak seseorang untuk ikut serta dalam menggunakan hak azasinya. Hal ini jelas merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hak azasi seseorang, yang dalam hal ini hak politik yang dimiliki oleh seorang mantan narapidana khususnya pada kasus korupsi. Apabila kita mencermati ketentuan UUD 1945, maka seorang mantan narapidana juga sebagai warga negara yang memiliki hak politik yang sama dengan warga negara lainnya. Hak Uji materiel terhadap peraturan yang  bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, maka kewenangan hak menguji ada pada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi memberi kepastian hukum bahwa seorang mantan Narapidana kasus korupsi masih diperbolehkan untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah karena mantan narapidana masih memiliki hak politik sebagai warga negara. Untuk dapat mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah, maka mantan narapidana setelah melewati masa 5 (lima) tahun  selesai menjalani masa hukuman dan telah kembali kepada kehidupan masyarakat sebagaimana kehidupan masyarakat lainnya. Menghormati hak politik mantan narapidana kasus korupsi sebagai pengakuan terhadap hak azasi manusia dalam negara Republik Indonesia yang merupakan hak konstitusional yang diatur dalam UUD Tahun 1945. Kata Kunci : Narapidana, Judisial Review, Hak, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ABSTRACTPolitical rights are protected by law, both internationally and nationally. Internationally, political rights are regulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Political rights are also protected by our constitution and several other laws and regulations, especially Law No. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. There is a provision which is a requirement to run for election which clearly limits and even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their human rights. This is clearly a violation of a person's human rights, which in this case the political rights of an ex-convict, especially in cases of corruption. If we look at the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, an ex-convict is also a citizen who has the same political rights as other citizens. The right to judicial review of regulations that are contrary to the 1945 Constitution, the authority of the right to examine lies with the Constitutional Court (MK). The Constitutional Court's decision provides legal certainty that a former convict in a corruption case is still allowed to run for regional head elections because ex-convicts still have political rights as citizens. To be able to run for regional head elections, ex-convicts after passing through a period of 5 (five) years have finished serving their sentence and have returned to community life as other people's lives. Respect the political rights of ex-convicts of corruption cases as an acknowledgment of human rights in the Republic of Indonesia which are constitutional rights regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: Prisoners, Judicial Review, Rights, Constitutional Court Decisions

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