scholarly journals Menakar Konstitusionalitas sebuah Kebijakan Hukum Terbuka dalam Pengujian Undang-Undang

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Mardian Wibowo

This study attempts to elaborate the definition of the “open legal policy” concept which has stated by the Constitutional Court as the autonomy of the Law- making body whenever UUD 1945 as the constitution did not regulate particular substances of a Law that is being made. In order to prevent this autonomy leans toward arbitrariness, it is necessary to establish a model of review towards open legal policies. One feasable option that the Constitutional Court could adapt is the "maximin" strategy (selecting the best option in numbers of bad possibilities) which is developed from the rational choice approach.

Author(s):  
P.V. Lushnikov

The article deals with the issues of gaps in law, it is stated that at present the problem of gaps is caused by the development of public relations. The negative consequences of gaps and their causes are determined. Several classifications of gaps that are made in science are considered. It is concluded that the deliberate creation of gaps by the subjects of law-making can be a corruption-induced factor. The classification of gaps depending on the truth (real and imaginary) is analyzed in detail. It is concluded that under the imaginary spaces can occur, both the addressees and the addressees of legal messages. In the first case, the addressees due to lack of necessary knowledge may have a false idea about the lack of legal regulation. When considering the second option, there is agreement with the scientific position that the addressees may, for subjective reasons, try to resolve gaps in the law, which do not really exist, thereby giving rise to excessive legitimization or real gaps. The article considers the options of filling the gaps in the law proposed in science. Further, it is proposed to apply to this problem the provisions of hermeneutics. The possibility of applying hermeneutic methodology to eliminate gaps is substantiated. It is concluded that preliminary modeling of communicative processes in the course of law-making can be used as a measure to counteract the gap in laws. The author suggests the need to limit the "arbitrariness of the reader" in the process of applying the analogy of law and law, as well as in the process of forming a legal precedent.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Torang Rudolf Effendi Manurung

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The politic party is a democration tool at any country which function for to channel populace aspiration to government, to give politic education, and another. In other to function get materialized, so country was giving help finance for to help the politic party in the it operation activity. Politic party in to manage help finance from country must justify to the country building on law, so the law must made by country pass legal policy. Legal policy responsibility politic party in management help country finance is a formal policy of country for attain national destination by law. For attain national destination mentioned, so to do law making as legislation and technical regulation which arrange responsibility mentioned. Pasca reformation, legal policy experience development arrangement aspect. The development perceivable direct general election implementation period on the Indonesian Republic that is general election 2004 years, 2009 years, and 2014 years. In third general election implementation mentioned law products type for arrange responsibility politic party in management help country finance.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keyword: </em></strong><em>legal policy, politic party, help country finance of responsibility.</em></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Partai politik adalah salah satu alat demokrasi di negara manapun yang berfungsi untuk menyalurkan aspirasi rakyat kepada pemerintah, memberikan pendidikan politik, dan lain-lain. Agar fungsi itu dapat terwujud, maka negara memberikan bantuan keuangan untuk membantu partai politik di dalam menjalankan kegiatannya. Partai politik dalam mengelola bantuan keuangan dari negara wajib mempertanggungjawabkan kepada negara berdasarkan hukum, maka hukum harus dibuat oleh negara melalui politik hukum. Politik hukum pertanggungjawaban partai politik dalam pengelolaan bantuan keuangan negara adalah suatu kebijakan resmi negara untuk mencapai tujuan nasionalnya melalui hukum. Untuk mencapai tujuan nasional tersebut, maka dilakukan pembuatan hukum berupa peraturan perundang-undangan dan peraturan teknis yang mengatur pertanggungjawaban tersebut. Pasca reformasi politik hukumnya mengalami perkembangan dari aspek pengaturan. Perkembangan itu dapat dipahami menurut periodisasi penyelenggaraan pemilu secara langsung di Negara Republik Indonesia, yaitu: Pemilu 2004, 2009, dan 2014. Dalam ketiga penyelenggaraan pemilu tersebut terbentuk produk-produk hukum untuk mengatur pertanggungjawaban partai politik dalam pengelolaan bantuan keuangan.</p><strong>Kata kunci: </strong>Politik Hukum, Partai Politik, Pertanggungjawaban Bantuan Keuangan Negara


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (19) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Anatolii P. Getman ◽  
Anna Anisimova

The article considers environmental law policy as a component, an independent type of national legal policy, as well as state and sectoral environmental policy. The existence of correlative, mutual influence of ecological and legal doctrine on formation of the corresponding policy is proved. It is substantiated that the ecological and legal legal doctrine significantly influences the current state of the state ecological policy (and this influence is mutual), formation of the ecological legislation and integration of Ukraine into the European legal space. It was stated that Ukraine first of all needs to intensify law-making, modernize the provisions of the environmental and legal doctrine, based on the concepts of which will be revised, updated provisions of public policy, legal understanding, and hence law enforcement. Further institutionalization of the basic provisions of the ecological and legal doctrine in the legislation becomes a necessary condition for the further development of law-making and statehood. It is emphasized that the use of environmental and legal doctrine will speed up the law-making process, in particular due to the adaptation of regulations to European standards; formulate legislative definitions that will gradually become an important part of environmental regulations; develop a "road map" for the development of environmental policy and legislation, etc. It is emphasized that the current state of the legal system requires a fuller use of the law-making potential of environmental law doctrine and the implementation of its main functions - stabilizing, guiding, heuristic, rule-making, evaluative and prognostic. Therefore, it is expedient to apply the ecological and legal doctrine as a methodological platform of the ecological and legal policy. The necessity of developing concepts of systematization of the ecological legislation, and also legal policy is proved.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Suchkov ◽  
Vladimir Filonov

The authors examine the juridical idea of extremist used in the criminal law of the Russian Federation. This work is an attempt to solve the problem of differentiating between this concept and the freedom of expression. The establishment of boundaries and limits of these phenomena is important for both lawmakers and law enforcers. The authors use the attributes of the phenomenon of «extremism» in an attempt to understand its form and contents. To achieve this, they analyze views on different scholars on extremism, the law and its amendments, clarifications of the highest court authorities of the country regarding the object of this research, and study the doctrinal practice of experts – linguists and psychologists. They synthesize the discovered meanings of extremism and identify its features. The obtained information allowed the authors to conclude that the definition of extremism formulated in the law is not precise, it lacks clear boundaries and, at the categorial level, could be viewed as an abstract concept. This concept, incorporated in the law, has a negative impact on the quality of the law and impedes the right choice of interpretation by national courts. The fuzziness of legal prescriptions has not yet been eliminated by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation and the law enforcement practice of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. All this creates endless opportunities for interpreting the law at the local level. The authors present disturbing statistics that show a tremendous growth in the number of offences in this area in recent years. They believe that the cause of the problem is the above-mentioned law that allows excessive interpretation by the law enforcer. The presented research deals with the bottlenecks of constitutional law as it analyzes the freedom of expression with its boundaries and limits. The authors discuss the conflict of constitutional and criminal laws from the viewpoint of enforcing specific law clauses. The research includes constructive criticism of the instruments used by experts (linguists and psychologists) who perform their tasks for criminal cases and materials on speech goals, which belongs to the domain of criminalistics. The authors present their own vision of this problem based on the opinion of scholars, historical experience and court practice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosdiana Rosdiana ◽  
Ummu Hanah Yusuf Saumin ◽  
Masayu Mashita Maisarah

The legal vacuum for of inter-faith marriage is one of the unresolved issues in Indonesia, especially with regard to civil rights. Indonesia’s Marriage Law No. 1 of 1974 has not accommodated the legal policy of marriage between different religions. Moreover, there are some different views between religious leaders on the permissibility of the inter-faith marriage. This study attempts to analyse the relations between Indonesia’s Religious Councils and the legal policies on inter-faith marriages. Data was collected through observation and semi-structured interviews with the representatives of Indonesia’s religious councils from six religions. It finds that Indonesia’s Religious Councils have no role by any means in the formation of legal policies related to inter-faith marriage in Indonesia since the Marriage Law had been created before the Religious Councils established. Regarding the legitimacy of inter-faith marriage, the religious leaders offered conflicting statements. Several religious leaders still decided to stay with the prohibition of interfaith marriage based on the popular religious traditions and the constitutional realm. Albeit religious leaders favour or disfavour inter-faith marriage, the practice is still widely flourished and rapidly increased. This observable fact should be an important reason for the Constitutional Court either to grant or deny the practices of inter-faith marriage in Indonesia. Terkait hak-hak sipil, terdapat kekosongan  landasan hukum dalam kasus perkawinan beda agama di Indonesia. Undang-Undang Perkawinan Indonesia No. 1 Tahun 1974 tidak mengakomodasi kebijakan hukum perkawinan beda agama. Selain itu, ada perbedaan pandangan antara para pemimpin agama tentang diizinkannya pasangan dari agama yang berbeda, misalnya dalam hal peninjauan materi Pasal 2 ayat (1) UU Perkawinan. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini menganalisis hubungan antara Dewan Agama Indonesia dan kebijakan hukum tentang pernikahan antar agama. Sumber data penelitian ini adalah observasi dan wawancara semi-terstruktur dengan perwakilan dari Dewan Agama Indonesia dari lima agama yang diakui di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa Dewan Agama Indonesia tidak memiliki peran apa pun dalam penentuan kebijakan hukum pernikahan beda agama. Hal ini  karena UU Perkawinan telah dibuat sebelum adanya Dewan Agama. Dalam topik legitimasi  pernikahan lintas agama, para pemimpin agama menyatakan pernyataan yang bertentangan. Sejumlah pemimpin agama masih memutuskan melarang  pernikahan antar agama berdasarkan tradisi keagamaan populer dan ranah konstitusional sedangkan bebera  lainnya memberikan sebaliknya. Meskipun belum ada kesepakatan  para pemimpin agama tentang  pernikahan antaragama, praktik ini masih terjadi bahkan meningkat pesat. Fakta ini harus menjadi alasan penting bagi Mahkamah Konstitusi untuk memberikan atau menolak praktik pernikahan antaragama di Indonesia. 


Obiter ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Retselisitsoe Phooko

South Africa’s new constitutional democracy places a duty on various legislators to facilitate public participation in the law-making process as mandated by the principles of participatory democracy provided for in the Constitution of South Africa, 1996. This has resulted in a series of court cases wherein the electorate, inter alia, challenged the legislation on the basis that the results did not reflect the views of the people. The courts’ earlier jurisprudence seemed to be placing more emphasis on participatory democracy as opposed to representative democracy. However, recent court decisions indicate a shift towards representative democracy. The central question presented in this paper is whether the consideration of the views of the public by the provincial and national legislatures is merely a matter of procedure, or that those views are indeed considered in the law-making process. In an attempt to answer this question, the paper will evaluate and critique some of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Appeal decisions on public involvement in either the legislative or law-making process. The argument presented in this discourse is that, if the public’s wishes are considered by the legislature, then the outcome would be influenced by the people’s demands. An otherwise negative outcome shows that public participation in the law-making process is a procedural matter and has no substantive value.


Author(s):  
Martin Partington

This chapter considers how law is made in the UK, who makes it, and whence they get the authority for making it and imposing it on society. There is a detailed account of the legislative procedure of the UK, and the different types of legislation that it enacts Parliament. The role of the senior courts in the development of legal principle is also considered. Finally, the law-making functions of key European institutions are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-456
Author(s):  
Nur Kholis

Parliamentary threshold or political party threshold to occupy the people's representatives in parliament is a provision that has been regulated in the law. Article 414 paragraph (1) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the existence of a parliamentary threshold. This means that the parliamentary threshold is legal. Especially based on legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3 / PUU-VII / 2009 and Constitutional Court Decision Number 20/PUU-XVI/2018, the parliamentary threshold is an open legal policy so that it can be said to be constitutional. But in reality the application of the parliamentary threshold limits political rights. The limitation of political rights occurs to participants and voters in the General Election


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Pigome

 The principle of democracy and nomocracy as state in the Constitution 1945 is the embodiment of the state that based on civil sovereignty and state characteristics that uphold the law. Implemention of those two principles changes the structure of the state that established the Constitutional Court. This institution known as the guardian of democracy of any process of political democatization and legal policy. The consitutional Court plays an important role in maintaining the state constitution (Constitution 1945). Constitutional Court have an authority to solve dispute elections and general election. This institution also have a role to judicial review of any statute that not synchronize with the Constitution 1945. Keywords : Demoratization, Rule of Law, Constitution and Legal Policy


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