scholarly journals ISLAMIZATION, PIETY, FUNDAMENTALISM: RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT IN CAMPUS

Author(s):  
Lukis Alam

<p class="abstrak"><em>Religion is based on the perspective of attitudes and attention to the doctrines that apply in everyday life. On its journey, diversity is often a symbol and goal of achieving certain interests. However, sometimes he often raises conflicts within the structure of society. Power and religion sometimes cannot be united, which results in friction between the authorities and their people. In this regard, the existence of this study wants to highlight the dynamics of intellectual diversity in public space. They want to fight for religious rights that have been ruled out by the government. So that with the metamorphosed Tarbiyah movement being campus preaching, they have directed a non-confrontational movement that fights Islam in the public space by taking mosque settings as the foundation of religious idealism in the modern era.</em><em> </em><em>The rise of campus preaching in various universities throughout Indonesia originated from the concerns of Islamic activists on the impartiality of the authorities in a system based on religious guidance. Especially in the era of the 70s when the New Order replaced the Old Order, many actions were contrary to Islamic norms. The further development of the preaching of this campus is growing rapidly, as a result there is a new Islamic model conducted by students who try to instill an ethical system to the community. This study uses a qualitative method that combines literature sources with a phenomenological approach that refers to field data. Therefore the final result of this study presents the religious aspirations of young intellectuals in their relations with the political interests of the ruler who display modern piety attitudes that process into contemporary Islamic models in the public sphere.</em></p><p class="abstrak" align="left"> </p><p>Keberagamaan didasarkan pada perspektif sikap dan atensi atas doktrin yang berlaku di dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Pada perjalanannya, keberagamaan seringkali menjadi simbol dan tujuan mencapai kepentingan tertentu. Namun, adakalanya ia kerap memunculkan pertentangan di dalam struktur masyarakat. Kekuasaan dan agama terkadang tidak bisa disatukan, yang berakibat pada gesekan antara penguasa dengan rakyatnya. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, adanya penelitian ini ingin menyoroti dinamika keberagamaan kaum intelektual di ruang publik. Mereka ingin memperjuangkan keberagamaan yang selama ini dikesampingkan penguasa. Sehingga dengan gerakan Tarbiyah yang bermetamorfosa menjadi dakwah kampus, mereka telah mengarahkan pada suatu gerakan non-konfrontatif yang memperjuangkan Islam di ruang publik dengan mengambil setting masjid sebagai landasan idealisme keberagamaan di era modern. Maraknya dakwah kampus di berbagai universitas di seluruh Indonesia berawal dari keprihatinan para aktivis Islam terhadap keberpihakan penguasa pada liberalisasi nilai dan moral. Terlebih di era 70-an saat Orde Baru menggantikan Orde Lama, banyak sekali tindakan-tindakan yang bertentangan dengan norma Islam. Perkembangan selanjutnya, dakwah kampus ini berkembang dengan pesat, akibatnya terjadi model keislaman baru yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa yang mencoba menanamkan sistem etika kepada masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang memadukan sumber-sumber pustaka dengan pendekatan fenomenologis yang mengacu dari data lapangan. Oleh karena itu, hasil akhir penelitian ini menyuguhkan aspirasi keberagamaan kaum intelektual muda dalam persinggungannya dengan kepentingan politik penguasa yang menampilkan sikap-sikap kesalehan modern yang berproses menjadi model Islamisasi kontemporer di ruang publik.</p>

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-705
Author(s):  
Di Wang ◽  
Sida Liu

In authoritarian contexts where the state is the primary performer in the public sphere and legal mobilization is constrained and repressed, activists often seek to carve out a public space to confront the frontstage and backstage of the state’s performance in order to pursue collective action. Comparing the online legal mobilization of feminist and lawyer activists in China, this article investigates how performance arts are used by activists to challenge the authoritarian state in the age of social media. Performing “artivism” is to create conspicuous spectacles in the public eye for the purposes of exposing the state’s illegal or repressive backstage actions or promoting alternative values and norms different from the official ideology. By subversively disrupting the evidential boundaries set by the state, Chinese activists have been able to gain momentum and public support for their legal mobilization. However, it was precisely the success of their artivism that contributed to the government crackdowns on both feminists and lawyers in 2015.


Author(s):  
Intan Kumalasari ◽  
Darliana Sormin ◽  
Muhammad Irsan Barus

Post-1998 is the spread of spiritualism discourse. The emergence of celebrity ‘ulama’ in Islamic expression of contemporary Indonesian treasury is one example of how popular culture with a set of ideologies taking advantage of the rise of Islam. Television became an agent of a culture to the people with his ability as a link between one culture with another culture. Televisions have unpacked the real with the imaginary. With television all things can be esthetizatied, the sacred and the profane into somersaults. Television media such strength finally gave birth to a new religious authority, called celebrities ‘ulama’. Factors caused by the emergence of celebrity ‘’ulama’ are sociological, which characterized by many people who prefer to watch the celebrity ‘ulama’ than watching Conventional Ulama. Then supported by sophisticated Tecnology Science, the stage, and commodification. This shows that Islam has been negotiating with the market and subsequently published widely in the public sphere as a form of freedom of expression in the new order in which the strength of the potential of Islam to be appreciated by the government. This can be described as a form of commodification of religion in the sense of religious values ​​commercialized for profit.


Author(s):  
Alla Drozdova ◽  
◽  
Natalia Stepanova ◽  

Today, we have a situation that the new media environment has reshaped our conception of reality while changing social spaces, modes of existence, and the functional mechanisms of the private sphere. In the space of new media, the boundary between privacy and publicity is redefined with the emergence of multiple network communities having become a subject of observation and evaluation, collective discussions, and even third party interventions. In the current situation, the privacy/publicity boundary can be defined both through the societal/the individual, and through such concepts as visible/invisible. The new media era sees the personification of online publicness, therefore the very sphere of private life gets consumed by the public sphere open both for being discussed and for being controlled by the government, market, and advertisement. The public sphere has fallen under the power of certain private/vested interests, which only transiently become common, coinciding with the interests of other groups, but not the public sphere. The ambivalent nature of new media, while based on personalisation and filtration, obviously determines the ambiguous and controversial relationship of the public and the private. Thus, the private not only reflects, but also represents the public, whereas the public implements privacy up to its inherent special intimate atmosphere and intonation. This fast-changing virtual reality requires the development of conceptual tools for analysing new content and forms of social and personal life, one of which is the relationship between publicity and privacy.


Author(s):  
Intan Kumalasari ◽  
Darliana Sormin ◽  
Muhammad Irsan Barus

Post-1998 is the spread of spiritualism discourse. The emergence of celebrity ‘ulama’ in Islamic expression of contemporary Indonesian treasury is one example of how popular culture with a set of ideologies taking advantage of the rise of Islam. Television became an agent of a culture to the people with his ability as a link between one culture with another culture. Televisions have unpacked the real with the imaginary. With television all things can be esthetizatied, the sacred and the profane into somersaults. Television media such strength finally gave birth to a new religious authority, called celebrities ‘ulama’. Factors caused by the emergence of celebrity ‘’ulama’ are sociological, which characterized by many people who prefer to watch the celebrity ‘ulama’ than watching Conventional Ulama. Then supported by sophisticated Tecnology Science, the stage, and commodification. This shows that Islam has been negotiating with the market and subsequently published widely in the public sphere as a form of freedom of expression in the new order in which the strength of the potential of Islam to be appreciated by the government. This can be described as a form of commodification of religion in the sense of religious values commercialized for profit. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dita Kirana ◽  
Endi Aulia Garadian

Religion is predicted to dissipate from social significance through the processes of development or economic modernization. Classical secularization theory forecasted religion in the modern era will face some circumstances such as 1) the decline of personal faith, religious beliefs and practices; and (2) the retreat of religion from public space (Cassanova: 1994, 2010). However, the supporters of secularization and modernization theories failed to notice that religion did not disappear from the public sphere. The opposite occurs in Southeast Asia. Economic development program and modernization could work hand-in-hand with religion in the region (Feener and Fountain: 2018).In the context of Indonesia, the issue of religion has gone through ups and downs. The story of Indonesia’s revival of Islam had been begun when the country experienced anti-communist campaigns of 1965-66 (McVey: 2006).  Since then, the government obliged all of its societies to profess one of Indonesia’s recognized religions: Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Hinduism (now Confucianism has been added to the list) (Qurtuby: 2013).  The pressure for all citizens to embrace one particular recognized religion resulted in great conversion from local religions/faiths—Hindu, Buddha, abangan, etc.—to Islam (Hefner: 1987a, 1987b, 1989; cf. Beatty: 1999). It then witnesses rapid growth of the grassroots Islam and the spread of Islamization (Houben: 2003).


CosmoGov ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 232
Author(s):  
Jannus Timbo Halomoan Siahaan

The public sphere popularized by Jurgen Habermas is the result of a review of the reality of 18th century European society. In his work, Habermas mentions that capitalism at that time succeeded in liberating European society from its dependence on the influence of feudalism imposed by the church and monarchy, whose form was a community discussion room aimed at critiquing traditional power (Church and Kingdom). In other words, the power of capitalism has succeeded in creating a space of social debate that was once influenced by feudal power until it switched to a social area free from the domination of feudal power where in that public sphere society has a right in giving criticisms of social problems. If in Europe the development of the public sphere is influenced by the development of capitalism, then what about the implementation of the public sphere in transitional society in Indonesia or especially in the East Luwu community? This paper seeks to explore how the implementation of public space as a concept in transitional society, especially in the East Luwu region in particular related to the process of making a Regional Regulation no. 03 of 2007 on Hazardous Solid Waste. The results of field research indicate that people are still having difficulty in accessing information related to policies related to public life in real terms. At the same time, the government itself also difficulties in distributing information that is actually needed by the community. The government, the DPRD or the people of East Luwu have indeed agreed to provide a discussion space to the public regarding the making of the solid waste management regulation. However, the implementation did not find the appropriate way from the formulation process until the socialization of a local regulation.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
Natalia Kostenko

The subject matter of research interest here is the movement of sociological reflection concerning the interplay of public and private realms in social, political and individual life. The focus is on the boundary constructs embodying publicity, which are, first of all, classical models of the space of appearance for free citizens of the polis (H. Arendt) and the public sphere organised by communicative rationality (Ju. Habermas). Alternative patterns are present in modern ideas pertaining to the significance of biological component in public space in the context of biopolitics (M. Foucault), “inclusive exclusion of bare life” (G. Agamben), as well as performativity of corporeal and linguistic experience related to the right to participate in civil acts such as popular assembly (J. Butler), where the established distinctions between the public and the private are levelled, and the interrelationship of these two realms becomes reconfigured. Once the new media have come into play, both the structure and nature of the public sphere becomes modified. What assumes a decisive role is people’s physical interaction with online communication gadgets, which instantly connect information networks along various trajectories. However, the rapid development of information technology produces particular risks related to the control of communications industry, leaving both public and private realms unprotected and deforming them. This also urges us to rethink the issue of congruence of the two ideas such as transparency of societies and security.


Author(s):  
Samuel Llano

As is described in this conclusion, more than the media and culture, Madrid’s public space constituted the primary arena where reactions and attitudes toward social conflict and inequalities were negotiated. Social conflict in the public space found expression through musical performance, as well as through the rise of noise that came with the expansion and modernization of the city. Through their impact on public health and morality, noise and unwelcomed musical practices contributed to the refinement of Madrid’s city code and the modernization of society. The interference of vested political interests, however, made the refining of legislation in these areas particularly difficult. Analysis of three musical practices, namely, flamenco, organilleros, and workhouse bands, has shown how difficult it was to adopt consistent policies and approaches to tackling the forms of social conflict that were associated with musical performance.


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