Trade Policy Trends in Africa: Empirical Evidence from Twenty Years of WTO Trade Policy Reviews

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Gunnar Flфystad

This paper analyses whether the developing countries are pursuing an optimal foreign trade policy, given the theoretical and empirical evidence we have. The paper concludes that constraints in imposing other taxes than tariffs in many developing countries may justify having tariffs as part of an optimal taxation policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-301
Author(s):  
Patricia Goff

AbstractInclusive trade is taking hold in various forms in international organizations and in the trade policy of national governments. Absent empirical evidence that will take time to generate, it can be difficult to assess the achievements of this new approach to trade. Nancy Fraser's three justice idioms provide a conceptual entry point for evaluating the potential of the inclusive trade agenda. Fraser argues that the contemporary global justice conversation must acknowledge claims for recognition, representation, and redistribution. Applying this conceptualization to the inclusive trade agenda shows that trade agreement provisions intended to favor women and Indigenous peoples go some distance in addressing claims for recognition and representation but accomplish less in remedying injustices associated with maldistribution. Therefore, the inclusive trade agenda does significantly advance global justice for marginalized groups, but works primarily in ways that are political and cultural, not economic.


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 99-103
Author(s):  
Byron W. Daynes ◽  
Glen Sussman

We appreciate the careful reading that Professor John Passe-Smith has given our article, and generally value his perspectives. Moreover, after a thorough reading of his criticisms, we have concluded that our respective understandings of fast tracking may not be as far removed from one another as first might appear. All three of us, for instance, could probably agree that: (1) the two institutions (President and Congress) brought together by fast tracking share different perspectives on trade policy, as most clearly exhibited in the 1930s with the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act (Schattschneider 1935); (2) fast tracking encourages a distinct relationship between these institutions, dissimilar from treaty making and the executive agreement; and (3) we need to examine some empirical evidence supporting our assertion that fast tracking makes it difficult for members of Congress to represent and speak for their constituents on trade matters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirko Uljarević ◽  
Giacomo Vivanti ◽  
Susan R. Leekam ◽  
Antonio Y. Hardan

Abstract The arguments offered by Jaswal & Akhtar to counter the social motivation theory (SMT) do not appear to be directly related to the SMT tenets and predictions, seem to not be empirically testable, and are inconsistent with empirical evidence. To evaluate the merits and shortcomings of the SMT and identify scientifically testable alternatives, advances are needed on the conceptualization and operationalization of social motivation across diagnostic boundaries.


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