scholarly journals Innovazione e tradizione nelle costituzioni del Novecento. Note preliminari

2021 ◽  
Vol VOL. 1 (N.1 (2021)) ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Luciani
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Confederate States Of America ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Constitutional Order

The balance that constitutions must find between tradition and innovation is a complex issue. Respect for the tradition is essential to signal the continuity of the political community; the planning of innovation is essential to signal the break with a constitutional order overwhelmed by history. Examples of such a difficult balance are countless (particularly significant is that of the Confederate States of America) and can easily understood by studying the evolution of political symbols, especially in times of constitutional transition. The issue of the balance between tradition and innovation is studied here with particular reference to the constitutions of the twentieth century.

scholarly journals Myths and Maps of Europe

2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Bottici ◽  
Benoît Challand
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
European Union ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Eu

Both the name Europe and the political entity Europe are relatively recent inventions. Although the name can be traced back as far as 700 BCE, the term in its contemporary meaning only became widespread after 1700 CE. The political entity is an even more recent construct. It was only with the first steps toward European construction in the second half of the twentieth century that the contours of a political community bearing this name emerged, even if its borders were still far from clearly defined. Yet even with the existence of today’s European Union (EU) the meaning of the term remains highly contested. Does Europe mean only the EU? Is it a geographical or a political entity? Where are its boundaries? How did these boundaries come about?

scholarly journals Sleeping with the Political Enemy: Woman’s Place in Discourses of Race and Class Struggle in 20th Century Central Europe

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Dániel Bolgár
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Gender Relations ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Political Status

In this paper, I shall argue that the convergence of ideologies operating through the creation of enemies like racism and Bolshevism with discourses regulating gender relations in the Central Europe of the twentieth century had the grave consequence of questioning women’s position in the political community. In short, I shall argue that in the context of racist and Bolshevik discourses, the very fact of being female was in itself a political threat to women. To demonstrate my point, I shall discuss two recent publications. First, I shall analyze the context of the convergence of racist and misogynist discourses in turn-of-the-century Vienna through discussing András Gerő’s book, Neither Woman Nor Jew. Second, I shall explore how the discourse of class struggle affected the political status of Hungarian women in the Stalinist era through discussing Eszter Zsófia Tóth’s book, Kádár’s Daughters.

The Italian Fascist Community in Argentina, 1946–1978

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-140
Author(s):  
Matteo Albanese
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

Argentina became a laboratory for a neofascist project. The country’s long and deeply rooted tradition of Peronism, its Nazi and Fascist connections, and the authoritarian and totalitarian regimes that took hold in the country during the second half of the twentieth century all help explain why Argentina offered fertile ground for this neofascist project. This article explores how Italians who migrated to Argentina for political reasons, and in search of a new fatherland, as described by Federica Bertagna, Marco Tarchi and other scholars, shaped the political debate in Argentina during the period between 1946 and the beginning of the dictatorship. It also considers how this political community established relations with other neofascist actors, individuals and groups, around the globe and with former fascist and Nazi militants who lived in Argentina.

Conditions for a Constitution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz
Keyword(s):  
Social Conditions ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
The People ◽  
Constitution Making

This chapter places the idea of the constitution and limited government within political and social conditions where the constitution is meant to endure. The more diverse the people, the trickier it is to govern them under one charter of government which works for all. The chapter starts from the privileged moment of constitution-making and explores the manner in which constitutions engage with the identity (or, more precisely, the identities) of the political community they stand for. The chapter discusses the uneasy relationship between constitutionalism and diversity as pre-conditions as well as challenges to the constitutional order. It examines the precursors of equality (toleration and tolerance), and situates the concept of citizenship in a context rife with opposing forces.

A Reply to Orren and Skowronek

2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Social Science ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Science Understanding ◽  
Uncritical Acceptance

I write to note a fundamental area of agreement with Professors Orren and Skowronek. And yet given this shared concern I think the study of ideas should be at the center of developmental approaches to politics. Professors Orren and Skowronek write, “The time has passed when familiar claims about constitutional foundations and normative commitments can be ventured confidently without serious consideration of confounding evidence. Making inquiries into these areas specific and empirically tractable will be, we think, value added.” I agree with this general assessment. Indeed, I have written a book,The Madisonian Constitution, which seeks to examine tensions within American constitutionalism and empirically trace how constitutional understandings and constitutional change have necessarily been partial and incomplete. In fact, I suggest that constitutional conflict has been an ordinary feature of American constitutionalism precisely because the American constitutional order is structured around agonistic principles and institutions. From the perspective of political science, understanding these tensions might also prove helpful in sustaining the American polity. But let me be clear: I do not think there is an easy foundation to be arrived at in the study of the American polity, or any other polity. Nor do I long for a world untroubled by “facing the facts,” nor for a time untroubled by historicism, positivism, or social science. I do think, however, an at times uncritical acceptance of historicism and positivism has led political scientists unnecessarily to turn away from the study of ideas and values that make up the political community.

Espionage and Exile

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Literary History ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Crises ◽  
Popular Entertainment ◽  
John Le Carre ◽  
The Cold War

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.

On Metaphysics and the Political: A Polemics of Reading Baudelaire in the 1930s

2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Joseph Acquisto
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Poetry ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into

This essay examines a polemic between two Baudelaire critics of the 1930s, Jean Cassou and Benjamin Fondane, which centered on the relationship of poetry to progressive politics and metaphysics. I argue that a return to Baudelaire's poetry can yield insight into what seems like an impasse in Cassou and Fondane. Baudelaire provides the possibility of realigning metaphysics and politics so that poetry has the potential to become the space in which we can begin to think the two of them together, as opposed to seeing them in unresolvable tension. Or rather, the tension that Baudelaire animates between the two allows us a new way of thinking about the role of esthetics in moments of political crisis. We can in some ways see Baudelaire as responding, avant la lettre, to two of his early twentieth-century readers who correctly perceived his work as the space that breathes a new urgency into the questions of how modern poetry relates to the world from which it springs and in which it intervenes.

Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Theories Of Religion ◽  
Ancient Christianity

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

Propaganda as a means of implementing the ideological function of the state

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Feedback System ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Position ◽  
Equal Footing ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Mass Media

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.

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