scholarly journals Hospitality and the ethico-political

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miranda Imperial

What is hospitality? Who is it addressed to? Hospitality aims at welcoming those who arrive; it demands giving space and time and sharing our own resources with others. In view of the current global migration crisis and in the midst of the social debates and a critique of the failure of affluent countries and Western democracies to respond in solidarity to those in need, this article attempts to re-consider the space for hospitality drawing from the ethical and the political as the two fundamental pillars of social architecture. In an effort to discuss collective grassroots reactions to this general lack of hospitality, I address the Catalan social platform Volem Acollir (2017) in their request to the state to open up the borders for the reception of a larger number of migrants. Far from being an individual choice, or an optional political decision, hospitality confronts us with the moral dilemma of the human response to our cultural others.

Author(s):  
Cristina-Anca Păiuşescu

AbstractThe essence of a democracy consists of the political rights of its citizens of theirability to influence political decision, to challenge and to participate directly in themanagement of the state. How it could all this happen without a free press to express the levelof externalization of thoughts and ideas of freedom of expression of public opinion. The pressis one of the forms of expression of public opinion and in terms of its functions, the average isof major importance for society as a whole and for the individuals who compose it. However,it is imperative to create moral and legal rules that guide the work of journalists, to avoidpress offenses. They are created both by the state and journalists, themselves, byselfreglementation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-137
Author(s):  
Ana Luiza da Gama e Souza ◽  
◽  
Lara Denise Góes da Costa ◽  

Before the global migration crisis, public policies in Brazil have proven to be insufficient to guarantee vulnerable migrant´s access to basic rights, especially the right to decent work. In this gap, companies, due to their economic power and the social impact of their practices, can be agents of sustainable peace, contributing to these people’s access to the formal labor market. This article proposes to analyze the Electrolux corporate practice of training and hiring refugees in Manaus, as a corporate agency for peace, to assess their social impact, as a potential to guarantee the right to work for these people.


2022 ◽  
pp. 52-69
Author(s):  
Kateryna Tryma ◽  
Kostyantyn Balabanov ◽  
Natalia Pashyna ◽  
Olena Hilchenko

The current migration crisis has far-reaching challenges for EU countries. Global migration is forcing countries to completely reconsider their migration policies, the effectiveness of control, and the integration of migrants. As one of the EU's leading countries, Germany is the biggest lobbyist for the establishment of a common migration policy in the EU. This chapter contributes to the academic discussion on establishing a single mechanism for managing migration flows in the European Union. The analysis confirms that EU countries are faced with the need to find new ways to resolve the migration crisis. In this direction, Germany has become the country where one can trace the uniqueness of the political phenomenon of integration of migrants into the host community as a measure to overcome the migration crisis. The evidence reveals the growth of threats for national, regional, and international security caused by the growing migration crisis and transformation of the policy of integration of migrants in Germany under the influence of this factor.


2020 ◽  
pp. 009059172098047
Author(s):  
Jacob Swanson

Recent studies of Friedrich Hayek have focused on his theorization of spontaneous order and its relationship to his views on freedom and market individualism. For many scholars, the impersonal nature of Hayek’s spontaneous order, which optimally coordinates human action without human coordination, and/or Hayek’s contention that freedom consists of the exercise of individual choice in a market, reveals Hayek’s neoliberal project to replace or erase the social domain of human life and activity. This article makes the claim that two different, but related, versions of the social exist in Hayek’s writings. The logic of his first and prominent view of social order as spontaneous order depends, I argue, upon a second account of the social, found in Hayek’s writings on money, which consists of forms of conscious and collective social integration and subject formation that the first view requires but cannot account for. In this way, Hayek’s social order is sustained not spontaneously but by money-based collective activities and social(ized) subjectivities that make it possible, and his neoliberal project thus depends on fundamental, if disavowed, connections between the social and the political.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 282-292
Author(s):  
Yanto Ramli ◽  
Erna Sofriana Imaningsih ◽  
Aldina Shiratina ◽  
Mochamad Soelton

The intention of this research is to understand how did the winner of the election win the heart of the prospective voters and which of the variables that has the highest influence on the decision to vote for the candidate, the respective variables are: positioning and social media marketing towards the decision to vote in relating to the political marketing as the intervening variable. The data was collected from the distribution of questionnaire, the population are the voters of the election in West Java, Indonesia. This research is using Purposive Sampling as the data processing and the analysis tool is using Partial Least Square. The results indicate that both positioning and social media marketing have positive and significant effect towards political marketing, and the variable of positioning have the most significant influence towards decision to vote compare to social media marketing. The results show that the positioning of a candidate is very important to engage the decision of the voters to vote for them. Eventhough the social media marketing is also playing an important part to engage their voters.


Author(s):  
Svitlana Tishchenkova ◽  
Iryna Tyshchenkova

Leading experts in various areas of public life are thinking today about the question: what role does the factor of migration play in the future revival of the "world after the virus"? To avoid a migration crisis, states must take the "migration issue" into account in their national anti-pandemic strategies. And it is important that migrants are perceived not only as victims, but also as people who are able to withstand new threats. The strategy for winning Covid-19 must be based on inclusiveness, courage and cooperation at all levels of international communication. Nations must unite in order to prevent a global migration crisis and at the same time overcome the social, economic and legal "barriers" that the entire world community has faced today. In parallel with the global battle against the pandemic, a struggle is unfolding between two com-peting concepts regarding the strategy of forming a new world order. The first concept seems the most obvious and appropriate: the pandemic crisis has highlighted the need for a system of multilateral relations and joint action, demonstrated all the fallacies of unilateral nationalism and isolationism. The second concept offers a diametrically opposed approach: globalization and open borders have made humanity vulnerable to viruses and other threats, and the current struggle to control the supply of goods, including medical equipment and materials, requires that each country take care of itself first. And regardless of who eventually wins this long struggle for survival, the socio-economic crisis caused by the pandemic will lead to an even more powerful surge of nationalism, xenophobia, and dis-crimination on ethnic and national grounds. In such circumstances, migrants are the most obvious target for growing problems. Accordingly, the study of current trends in labor migration, taking into account the threats associ-ated with the global economic crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and other threats, is relevant for both scholars and the general population.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


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