scholarly journals Implicites of the collective memory in the education of children and women. Breaking ancestral projects and breaking inviolable bonds: the red thread to be "the women that you are"

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Grazia Riva

In this contribution, I explore the drama buried in the collective memory implicit in the education of girls and women. A thread which historically continues to remain in the models of education for girls can be found, with serious consequences in the transgenerational transmission of pedagogical models and educational practices. The first-hand experience of these models and practices aimed at self-sacrifice and the mortification of vitality as an educational instrument, has generated an accumulation of pain, suffering, frustration and anger which inevitably spread and invade the public space of shared society, significantly insinuating itself in social, family, educational, affective, sentimental and even working relations. In conclusion, I identify the need for formative paths aimed at awareness of the existence and tenacity of the unspoken pedagogical messages deeply rooted in historical memories.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
Pantelis Kyprianos

How is May ’68 received in the public space? How has it been perceived in the collective consciousness in Greece since that day? To investigate the image of May ’68 portrayed by the mass media (public space) and the idea that young Greeks have of it today (collective memory), I relied on three categories of sources: i) Analysis of the texts referring to the events; ii) Interviewing former students who participated in the uprising against the Dictatorship at the Polytechnic in 1973; and iii) Discussions with today’s students to see whether or not they have an image of May ’68, and if so, what it is. This paper is made up of five sections. In the first I provide an overview of the situation in Greece in 1968, in the second I briefly set out the main positions on May ’68 of well-known French social scientists, and in the third I discuss how the period was perceived and the weight of its role in the uprising of Greek students at the Polytechnic in 1973. In the fourth section I paint a brief picture of how May ’68 has been viewed in Greece from the fall of the dictatorship in 1974 to today. Finally, in the fifth and final section, I summarise how today’s students perceive the events. 


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 164-179

In the article, the concepts that have influenced (and are still influencing) the appreciation, assimilation and usage of the collective memory, evidenced in historic Lithuanian towns, especially Vilnius, are analysed, and some possible solutions to the questions arising are proposed. It is emphasized that the recognition, usage and interpretation of cultural values, accumulated in the public spaces of historic towns, which are, as a rule, multiethnic, multiconfessional and multicultural, is a complex undertaking requiring competence,creativity and responsibility. The relationship between this multipartite problem and the cultural politics of modern Lithuania is examined. Two attitudes, monoperspective (imperial, Soviet, nationalistic) and multi-perspective (postmodern), towards the relationship between ethnic communities and the prevailing culture are distinguished. The clearest cases of public space appropriation/ interpretation which provoked inter-ethnic or intersectional conflicts in recent times are analysed. These are related to the sensitivity of the collective memory, which is linked to the traumas and wrongs of the recent past.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 782-808 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisya Seloni ◽  
Yusuf Sarfati

Abstract Gezi Park protests that rocked Turkey in 2013 left a significant mark in the country’s collective memory and contributed to the construction of a new language of political resistance. To challenge an increasingly authoritarian government, the protesters used novel repertoires of contention, particularly political graffiti. To better understand different types of linguistic and symbolic communication tools used in the public space during Gezi Park protests and their impact on different set of audiences, this article explores the following research questions: (i) What indexical properties are used in the languages used in graffiti, and what do they mean for understanding the various audiences that the protesters engaged? (ii) What counter-narratives are created in the graffiti produced during Gezi Park protests?


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Pedro Ortuño Mengual ◽  
Sofía Corrales Rodriguez

This article tries to analyse the work of two authors: Martha Rosler and Rogelio Lopez from the interest that both show in their productions about issues on the citizenship, the collective memory, and the urban space where converge the longings and interests of those that inhabit it. Regarding the methodology employed, it has been based in the qualitatively analysis of the works, of the thought and of the type of language used by both artists.The symbol, the image and the word through the appropriation of advertising resources are inherent characteristics to the work of both. It is a matter of making visible those social problems inserted in the urban space, through the poetics of the language. Therefore, we appreciate that the city, the community and the public space become one of the main keys in the productions of both artists. That is, the search for communication between artist and citizenship based on rhetorical figures (allegories, metaphors, paradoxes, ironies, etc.) where language is protagonist alongside the appropriation of images as a way of making visible the invisibilities within their works inserted in the contemporary urban art.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Robert TRABA

The study brings up sensitive problems of the contemporary Polish history, revealing some mechanisms of historical discourse in the public space. Refl ection on the historical memory, the war trauma and the problem of shortened perspective puts emphasis on the absence of alternative narrations around such categories as: nation, Catholic Church, patriotism, the left, polish Jews. Th is issue is associated with the question of contemporary historical research and the politics of history shaping collective memory in Poland.


2018 ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
Paweł Stachowiak

The paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles.


polemica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidiane Gonçalves Gama Silva

Resumo: O presente artigo busca propor uma reflexão sobre a memória política na Baixada Fluminense – território integrante da região metropolitana do Estado do Rio de Janeiro –, considerando os postulados elencados por Lifschitz para tal conceito e a atividade recente de coletivos culturais na região. A proposta nasce de uma inquietação resultante de pesquisa anterior, realizada por Silva (2014), na qual, como conclusão, pouco se percebeu continuidade e ancoragem de iniciativas contemporâneas na trajetória de movimentos passados. Para o alcance do objetivo delineado, é primeiramente apresentada, com brevidade, a história local, bem como sua associação com a violência e a atuação como resistência. Em seguida, desenvolve-se o conceito de memória política para, enfim, correlaciona-lo com a proposição de releitura por meio do esquecimento pensado por Nietzsche, que serve à vida. Conclui-se com a ideia de que – apesar de diferenças que a fazem escapar, por vezes, do enquadramento no conceito em si – a Baixada Fluminense possui uma memória política em formação, que responde a um espectro não definido justamente porque encontra no presente novos contornos, mas que, entretanto, permanece ali impelindo movimentos, como os coletivos, à ações no espaço público revestidas de intencionalidades.Palavras-chave: Memória política. Baixada Fluminense. Cultura. Coletivo. Memória e esquecimento.Abstract: This paper proposes a reflection on the political memory in the Baixada Fluminense - an integral territory of the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro State -, considering the postulates listed by Lifschitz for such concept and the recent activity of cultural collectives in this region. The proposal rises from a concern resulting from previous research by Silva (2014), which, did not perceived complete continuity and anchoring of contemporary initiatives in the trajectory of past movements. In order to reach the objective outlined, the local history is first briefly presented, as well as its association with violence and acting as resistance. Then the concept of political memory is developed to finally correlate it with the proposition of rereading through the oblivion, by Nietzsche, which serves life. It concludes with the idea that – despite the differences that sometimes make it escape the framing of the concept itself - Baixada Fluminense has a political memory in formation, which responds to an undefined spectrum precisely because it finds in the present new but, however, it remains there impelling movements, like the collective ones, to actions in the public space with intentionalities.Keywords: Political memory Baixada Fluminense. Culture. Collective. Memory and oblivion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR STEGNII

The paper analyses specific features of sociological data circulation in a public space during an election campaign. The basic components of this kind of space with regard to sociological research are political actors (who put themselves up for the election), voters and agents. The latter refer to professional groups whose corporate interests are directly related to the impact on the election process. Sociologists can also be seen as agents of the electoral process when experts in the field of electoral sociology are becoming intermingled with manipulators without a proper professional background and publications in this field. In a public space where an electoral race is unfolding, empirical sociological research becomes the main form of obtaining sociological knowledge, and it is primarily conducted to measure approval ratings. Electoral research serves as an example of combining the theoretical and empirical components of sociological knowledge, as well as its professional and public dimensions. Provided that sociologists meet all the professional requirements, electoral research can be used as a good tool for evaluating the trustworthiness of results reflecting the people’s expression of will. Being producers of sociological knowledge, sociologists act in two different capacities during an election campaign: as analysts and as pollsters. Therefore, it is essential that the duties and areas of responsibility for professional sociologists should be separated from those of pollsters. Another thing that needs to be noted is the negative influence that political strategists exert on the trustworthiness of survey findings which are going to be released to the public. Using the case of approval ratings as an illustration, the author analyses the most common techniques aimed at misrepresenting and distorting sociological data in the public space. Particular attention is given to the markers that can detect bogus polling companies, systemic violations during the research process and data falsification.


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