Disinformation squared: Was the HIV-from-Fort-Detrick myth a Stasi success?

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 2-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erhard Geissler ◽  
Robert Hunt Sprinkle

BackgroundWhen in May 1983 the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) was first securely attributed to a virus, eventually called the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), many controversies arose. Among these was one centering on HIV's origin. A startling hypothesis, called here the “HIV-from-Fort-Detrick myth,” asserted that HIV had been a product, accidental or intentional, of bioweaponry research. While its earliest identifiable contributors were in the West, this myth's most dynamic propagators were in the East. The Soviet security service, the KGB, took “active measures” to create and disseminate AIDS disinformation beginning no later than July 1983 and ending no earlier than October 1987. The East German security service, a complex bureaucracy popularly known as “the Stasi,” was involved, too, but how early, how deeply, how uniformly, how ably, and how successfully has not been clear. Following German reunification, claims arose attributing to the Stasi the masterful execution of ingenious elements in a disinformation campaign they helped shape and soon came to dominate. We have tested these claims.QuestionWas the HIV-from-Fort-Detrick myth a Stasi success?MethodsPrimary sources were documents and photographs assembled by the Ministry of State Security (MfS) of the German Democratic Republic (GDR or East Germany), the Ministry of Interior of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, and the United States Department of State; the estate of myth principals Jakob and Lilli Segal; the “AIDS box” in the estate of East German literary figure Stefan Heym; participant-observer recollections, interviews, and correspondence; and expert interviews. We examined secondary sources in light of primary sources.FindingsThe HIV-from-Fort-Detrick myth had debuted in print in India in 1983 and had been described in publications worldwide prior to 1986, the earliest year for which we found any Stasi document mentioning the myth in any context. Many of the myth's exponents were seemingly independent conspiracy theorists. Its single most creative exponent was Jakob Segal, an idiosyncratic Soviet biologist long resident in, and long retired in, the GDR. Segal applied to the myth a thin but tenacious layer of plausibility. We could not exclude a direct KGB influence on him but found no evidence demonstrating it. The Stasi did not direct his efforts and had difficulty tracking his activities. The Stasi were prone to interpretive error and self-aggrandizement. They credited themselves with successes they did not achieve, and, in one instance, failed to appreciate that a major presumptive success had actually been a fiasco. Senior Stasi officers came to see the myth's propagation as an embarrassment threatening broader interests, especially the GDR's interest in being accepted as a scientifically sophisticated state. In 1986, 1988, and 1989, officers of HV A/X, the Stasi's disinformation and “active measures” department, discussed the myth in meetings with the Bulgarian secret service. In the last of these meetings, HV A/X officers tried to interest their Bulgarian counterparts in taking up, or taking over, the myth's propagation. Further efforts, if any, were obscured by collapse of the East German and Bulgarian governments.ConclusionNo, the HIV-from-Fort-Detrick myth was not a Stasi success. Impressions to the contrary can be attributed to reliance on presumptions, boasts, and inventions. Presumptions conceding to the Stasi an extraordinary operational efficiency and an irresistible competence - qualities we could not confirm in this case - made the boasts and inventions more convincing than their evidentiary basis, had it been known, would have allowed. The result was disinformation about disinformation, a product we call “disinformation squared.”

Author(s):  
Alexander N.S. Chang

The Multilateral Force (MLF) was a proposed nuclear sharing arrangement between the United States and a number of its NATO partners. Proposed in 1958, the MLF was debated until about 1965 or 1966 and was often distinguished by its controversial nature and failure to gain traction. This paper examines documents from the Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), Record Group 59: General Records of the Department of State, and various secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the Soviet Union contributed to the MLF’s failure as an initiative. The Force is often treated as a narrow and highly technical policy debate by existing literature. However, examination of these documents highlighted the necessity of viewing the Force as a topic of distinct political import in American-Soviet nuclear negotiations. While technical disputes over the MLF’s constitution was an immediate cause of its demise, U.S. policymakers also faced strategic incentives not to pursue the treaty. In particular, the documents reflect growing belief within the Johnson administration that exiting the agreement could improve broader bilateral relations with the Soviet Union and ensure that the international community could continue to make progress on the creation of a nuclear non-proliferation agreement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Amy G Slaughter

Abstract This article traces the evolution of an urban refugee self-reliance model developed in Nairobi, Kenya that intends to bridge the gap between ‘care and maintenance’ programmes and durable solutions. It does so by presenting the development of the approach used by the non-governmental organization RefugePoint to assist urban refugees in Nairobi. In developing its approach, RefugePoint drew on elements of the model employed by the United States Department of State and its contracted partners for resettling refugees in the United States. The applicability and limitations of this model in the context of a country of first asylum are examined. The article concludes by suggesting potential applications of RefugePoint’s ‘self-reliance runway’ approach (and the measurement tool that is integral to it) in expanding self-reliance opportunities for refugees globally. In particular, it recommends that both donors and operational agencies look beyond sector-based programming towards more holistic approaches and focus their impact measurement on the collective outcomes for refugee households rather than project-specific delivery indicators.


2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Fangzhu Lu ◽  
Biao Li

This is a comparative study of official diplomatic speeches regarding COVID-19, 
released by spokespersons for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and documents from the United States Department of State China Archive. It explores how these speeches and documents reflect the US–China relations and the conduct of policies surrounding digital media in the two countries. We focus on the period from the start of the Wuhan lockdown, 20 January 2020, to the city’s reopening on 8 April, and use several forms of content analysis to analyse the documents: Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling, sentiment network analysis and word clouds. We argue that the diplomatic relationship and political ideologies adopted by different political and media systems can have a major impact upon media policy implementation and guidance.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153660061987791
Author(s):  
Sondra Wieland Howe

Commodore Perry and his “Black Ships” opened Japanese harbors for foreign shipping in 1853 and 1854. Music was important for this Japan Expedition that obtained a treaty between the United States and Japan. Bands and singers performed music for parades, impressive ceremonies, religious services, and entertainment for the sailors and foreign audiences. This article examines the styles of Western music, instrumentation, and performance venues of Perry’s musicians as they traveled to harbors in China, Okinawa, and Japan. Since the large bands from Perry’s ships were impressive with their fancy uniforms, swords, and loud music, the Japanese associated band music with American military power. The performances on Perry’s ships were some of the first performances of Western music in Japan, before the Westernization of the Japanese school music curriculum in the 1880s. Primary sources for this research include contemporary narrative accounts, printed programs, nineteenth-century prints, and songbooks. Secondary sources include websites, articles, and books to put the material in a historical context.


2009 ◽  
Vol 91 (875) ◽  
pp. 467-474 ◽  

William Lacy Swing is the Director General of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). He has held the office of Special Representative to the UN Secretary-General for the Democratic Republic of Congo (2003–2008) and Western Sahara (2001–2003), and headed the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara. This followed a long career in the United States Department of State, during which he served as ambassador six times.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document