Producing FGM in U.S. Courts: Political Asylum in the Post-Kasinga Era

Africa Today ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 58-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer E. Coffman
Keyword(s):  
Political Asylum

KOMPETENSI DAN YURISDIKSI HUKUM ISLAM DALAM PERSPEKTIF FILSAFAT HUKUM ISLAM

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155
Author(s):  
Juli Amalia Nasucha
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Constitutional Politics

Some of the themes discussed in this study include: knowing the miniature of Sharia, the field of Fiqh, Islamic governance, and Political Asylum. Some of the conclusions generated from the discussion regarding the Competence and Jurisdiction of Islamic Law include: First, it is necessary to know that there are two dimensions in Islamic law which are closely related to each other, namely the divine dimension and the Insaniyah dimension. Second, as a derivation of the two dimensions contained in Islamic law, then Islamic law is divided into two parts, namely Islamic law as a product of Law / Fiqh or fiqh as a science, while the second is law as a social institution. Third, fiqih as a social institution This then gives rise to jurisdiction in applying Islamic law so that the next discussion that becomes important is the concept of constitutionality in Islam with all its articulations concerning Islamic constitutional politics.

Political Asylum in Germany: International Norms and Domestic Politics

1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-49
Author(s):  
John Bendix ◽  
Niklaus Steiner
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Expected Utility ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
German Politics

Although political asylum has been at the forefront of contemporaryGerman politics for over two decades, it has not been much discussedin political science. Studying asylum is important, however,because it challenges assertions in both comparative politics andinternational relations that national interest drives decision-making.Political parties use national interest arguments to justify claims thatonly their agenda is best for the country, and governments arguesimilarly when questions about corporatist bargaining practices arise.More theoretically, realists in international relations have positedthat because some values “are preferable to others … it is possible todiscover, cumulate, and objectify a single national interest.” Whileinitially associated with Hans Morgenthau’s equating of nationalinterest to power, particularly in foreign policy, this position hassince been extended to argue that states can be seen as unitary rationalactors who carefully calculate the costs of alternative courses ofaction in their efforts to maximize expected utility.

scholarly journals Tragic and Heroic Moments in the Lives of Forced Migrants: Memories of Political Asylum-Seekers in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Refuge ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest A. Pineteh ◽  
Thecla N. Mulu
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Autobiographical Memory ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Discursive Space ◽  
Life Threatening ◽  
Forced Migrants ◽  
Personal Accounts ◽  
At Home

This article examines the memories of a group of Cameroonian asylum-seekers in South Africa, analyzing personal accounts of memories of fear, suffering, and pain as well as resilience and heroism during their forced migration. The article argues that the legitimacy of applications for asylum often depends on accurate and consistent memories of specific life-threatening episodes at home and during migration. Drawing on theoretical conceptions such as construction of memory, autobiographical memory, and politics of storytelling, this article teases out how personal memories of asylum-seekers provide a discursive space to access and understand the asymmetries of seeking political asylum in post-apartheid South Africa.

scholarly journals Terrorism by media: Coverage of the Ahmed Zaoui affair

2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-190
Author(s):  
Steven Price
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
National Security ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
International Airport ◽  
Intelligence Service

Last year [2003], in a supremely hypocritical editorial, The New Zealand Herald laid into the New Zealand Security Intelligence Service (NZSIS) for its ‘farcical level of research’ on Ahmed Zaoui.1 Zaoui is an Algerian national who turned up at Auckland International Airport in early December 2002, and asked for political asylum. He was immediately imprisoned. Relying on classified NZSIS information, the Minister of Immigration has declared Zaoui a threat to national security and issued a Security Risk Certificate against him, allowing his continued detention. The Herald pointed to the just-released decision of the Refugee Status Appeals Authority 2, which had found no credible evidence that Zaoui was a terrorist.

From the History of the Reign of Solomon I in Imereti (1766-1768)

2021 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Zalina M. Basieva
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Religious Culture ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Important Message ◽  
History Of

All known official appeals from Imereti to the Russian court in the 18th century were made under strict secrecy from the Ottoman Empire, and the embassies were either headed by clergy or representatives of the clergy were always part of the embassies. The principle of forming the composition of the embassy clearly indicates that the clergy of Imereti, as well as Kartli-Kakheti, was directly involved in political issues, and the ambassadors were supporters of the current rulers or kings. The clergy served as a living proof of Imereti’s commitment to the Christian world, despite Ottoman rule, oppression and the decline of religious culture. However, during the period we are considering, the first appeal of Solomon I to Russia for support (1766), he attracts only a representative from the Imeretian princes. The organization of the message was entrusted to Prince Kaihosro Tsereteli. Then the connection with Kizlyar was secretly maintained through the hegumen of the Ossetian spiritual commission Gregory, who already in 1768 was instructed to deliver a response message from Russia to Solomon, on condition that the secrecy of the owner’s correspondence with Russia be kept. The Imeretian and Abkhaz Catholicos Vissarion, acting at that time, cannot participate in this secret case, due to opposition to the king of the Rachinsky Eristovs, other persons from the Georgian clergy are not involved by Solomon either. Solomon’s non-representative appeal to Russia can only be associated with his position ol an exile and his inability to form the composition of the embassy, which is assigned to the tsar. Instead, we see that King Solomon is sending a single “messenger” with an important message from the princes of Tsereteli. Based on a comparison of the known historical facts of the reign of Solomon I in Imereti and the information presented in the document under consideration, the conditions and reasons that led Solomon in 1766 to a written appeal to Russia about the possibility of granting him political asylum are clarified.

Marinera with the Yankees

2018 ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Asylum ◽  
Student Leader ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document