scholarly journals TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON THEIR APPROACHES TOWARDS MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA REGION IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA: FROM COMPETITION TO COOPERATION*

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1&2) ◽  
pp. 121-143
Author(s):  
Aylin ÜNVER NOİ
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship

The United States and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Dominguez ◽  
Joshua Weissman LaFrance
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Eu

The history of the European Union (EU) is closely associated with the development of the United States. As the process of European integration has produced institutions and gained a collective international presence, the United States has been a close observer, partner, and often critic of the policies and actions of the EU and its member states. A steady progression of events delineates this path: the Marshall Plan, origins of European integration, the Cold War, the post–Cold War, 9/11 and its effects on the international system, the Great Recession, and the deterioration of global democracy. All throughout, the EU and the United States have both cooperated and collided with one another, in line with the combination of three main factors: (a) the evolution of the EU as an independent, international actor; (b) American strategies for engagement with Europe and then with the EU; and (c) the adaptive capacity and cohesion of the overall transatlantic relationship. The EU–U.S. relationship is significant not only for the influential role of the EU in world affairs but also because, as opposed to China or Russia, the transatlantic area hosts one of the most solid relationships around the world. Crises surely have been, and will be, a frequent aspect of the intense interdependences on both sides of the Atlantic; however, the level of contestation and conflict is relatively low, particularly as compared with other areas that smoothly allow the flow of goods, services, people, and ideas. Taken altogether, then, the transatlantic relationship possesses a strong foundation: it is integral, resilient, and enduring over a history of diplomatic disagreements and conflicts. The primary question remains just how this steady stream and confluence of shared challenges ultimately will fare in face of evolving crises and systemic disruptors. In any case, the answer is determined by the enduring nature, and foreign policy choices, of the primary actors on each side of the Atlantic.

scholarly journals Post-Cold War sanctioning by the EU, the UN, and the US: Introducing the EUSANCT Dataset

2020 ◽  
pp. 073889422094872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M Weber ◽  
Gerald Schneider
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Eu

The European Union, the United Nations, and the United States frequently use economic sanctions. This article introduces the EUSANCT Dataset—which amends, merges, and updates some of the most widely used sanctions databases—to trace the evolution of sanctions after the Cold War. The dataset contains case-level and dyadic information on 326 threatened and imposed sanctions by the EU, the UN, and the US. We show that the usage and overall success of sanctions have not grown from 1989 to 2015 and that while the US is the most active sanctioner, the EU and the UN appear more successful.

13. The USA and the EU

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Integration Project

This chapter examines the United States’ involvement in the transatlantic relationship with the European integration project. In particular, it considers the ways in which U.S. foreign policy makers have developed images of the European Community and now the European Union on the challenges posed by European integration for U.S. policy processes and the uses of U.S. power. It also explores how these challenges have been met in the very different conditions of the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. It concludes by raising a number of questions about the capacity of the United States to shape and adapt to European integration, and thus about the future of U.S.–EU relations.

Middle Easts, old and new1

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Ghassan Salamé
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The Us

This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or whether as affiliated to the European Union via a Mediterranean Union based on trade relations, the exclusion or inclusion in the Middle East is not a simple matter where regional players such as Iran and Turkey have historical extraterritorial ambitions which would, yet again, appear to be coming to the fore – even when such may threaten internal balances. The author argues that Israel's position is increasingly problematic due not only to Palestinian demographics, but also to its recent experience against Hezbollah which has mastered asymmetrical warfare at a time when the ability of the United States to defend its primary ally in the region has been cast into doubt. The states of the Arab World have proved ineffectual and certain of them are looking to ‘escape’ from the Middle East into Africa (Libya) or looking to formulate a new regional constellation in which Turkey and Iran will play leading roles (Syria).

A Revolution Gone Wrong: What Happened in Egypt Since 2011. H. A. Hellyer. A Revolution Undone: Egypt's Road Beyond Revolt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). Pp. 320. $29.95 cloth. ISBN 9780190659738. David Kirkpatrick. Into the Hands of Soldiers: Freedom and Chaos in Egypt and the Middle East (New York: Viking, 2018). Pp. 384. $28.00 cloth. ISBN 9780735220621.

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Street Vendor ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
The Arab Spring

Nearly nine years after a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself ablaze in provincial Tunisia, a sense that the aspirations of the Arab Spring were always doomed to fail has set in among pundits and policymakers. The United States, and to a large extent the European Union, have all but given up on any pretense of democracy promotion in the region and have instead turned again to well-trodden policy repertoires emphasizing a realpolitik approach.

scholarly journals 5G and its Implications in the Economic Relations between China and European Countries, with a Special Focus on Italy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Melania Petrillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
5G Network ◽  
The Usa ◽  
State Of Affairs

The economic relations between China and the European countries are tightened by an intensive interdependence in different sectors, mainly trades and services, but decades of successful relations could be affected by the pressure risen around the development of the 5G network. Recently, the development of the technology of the future, 5G network, is having a certain effect on the relations among those countries that joined the race for the leading global position. The major players in this geopolitical, technological, and economic affair are China and the USA, therefore, Europe plays an important role as well. These occurrences may increase not only the strategic suppleness of powers like China, India, the United States, and the European Union, but also the weight of nourishing alignments and fruitful partnerships. This research takes into consideration two fundamental elements to analyze this state of affairs: the economic interdependence between China and the European countries, and the protection of cybersecurity.

scholarly journals The EU-NATO Syndrome: Spotlight on Transatlantic Realities

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-123
Author(s):  
Hajnalka Vincze
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Fundamental Question ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
Chain Of Command ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the relations between the European Union (EU) and NATO in light of both of the current, deeply unhealthy, state of the transatlantic relationship, and of its ongoing evolution. The first part is devoted to a retrospective outline of the links between European defence and the Atlantic system, which highlights the major constant features of these last sixty years, as well as the rupture points. Then, various issues, from the problem of the division of labour and the definition of the chain of command to coordination on the ground and arms procurement, are evoked as concrete examples where the same fundamental question marks emerge, again and again; all of them revolving around the concept of sovereignty – that of the Europeans vis-à-vis America. It is suggested in the article that current European dependence does not allow but superficial and/or temporary ‘progress’ in EU-NATO relations, just as is the case in the broader Euro-American relationship. As long as Europeans will not assume fully the objective of autonomy (i.e. freedom of decision and action, with all the commitments it would imply), their subjection will continue to generate increasing tensions, since this inherent imbalance is not only detrimental to Europe’s own interests, but it also excludes any reciprocity and prohibits any genuine partnership with the United States.

Introduction: Italy's foreign policy and the Mediterranean

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Carbone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Cold War

Following the end of the Cold War, Italy took on greater responsibilities in dealing with the increased challenges to international security, especially in its neighbourhood. The aim of this special issue of the journal Modern Italy is to understand to what extent Italy has been successful in developing a third circle in its foreign policy beyond the two traditional lodestars, Atlanticism and Europeanism; or whether Italy's competence in the Mediterranean has been strategically used to improve its relationship with the United States or its position within the European Union.

scholarly journals United States and European Union Evolving Approaches in Southeast Asia: Moving Closer to Convergence or Divergence?

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Pennisi di Floristella
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
Further Development ◽  
The Eu

With the launch of Barack Obama’s strategic rebalance to Asia-Pacific, there has been a widening of the United States’ military, economic, and diplomatic presence in the Southeast Asian region. Likewise, it is clear that Southeast Asia is currently a region of relevant interest for both the United States and the European Union (EU). Surprisingly, however, up to the present, a systematic comparison of their approaches in the region has been largely lacking. To fill this void, this article compares US and EU interests, strategies, and main instruments of cooperation in Southeast Asia. Special attention is paid to the main developments that occurred in the United States, from Obama’s announcement of a strategic rebalance to Asia-Pacific to Donald Trump’s National Security Strategy, and in the EU, with the release there of the 2012 “Updated East Asia Policy Guidelines.” Examining whether the EU and the United States are moving towards a greater convergence of intent is of crucial importance for identifying opportunities for the further development of the transatlantic relationship in Southeast Asia. This article argues, though, that despite some apparent common traits in the US’s and the EU’s intentions, their strategies and instruments ultimately differ substantially – reflecting divergent paths. This creates crucial impediments to any further development of transatlantic cooperation in Southeast Asia.

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