scholarly journals But does voting really feed you? Ideas about democracy's role in famine and chronic hunger

COMPASS ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
Janine Hancock

Scarcity of democracy is often cited as the source of hunger. In this paper the origin of this idea, the arguments behind it, and its validity are examined. In doing so, different types of hunger are addressed. The author also looks at the role of government systems in the famines of Ireland, India, and Sudan and the effect that democracy has on food policy decisions in the United States. By the conclusion of this paper, the reader will be familiar with the phenomenon of citing democracy in discussions of food. A lack of democracy is not the source of hunger, and democracy is not inherently equipped to confront hunger.

Author(s):  
Anne Nassauer

This book provides an account of how and why routine interactions break down and how such situational breakdowns lead to protest violence and other types of surprising social outcomes. It takes a close-up look at the dynamic processes of how situations unfold and compares their role to that of motivations, strategies, and other contextual factors. The book discusses factors that can draw us into violent situations and describes how and why we make uncommon individual and collective decisions. Covering different types of surprise outcomes from protest marches and uprisings turning violent to robbers failing to rob a store at gunpoint, it shows how unfolding situations can override our motivations and strategies and how emotions and culture, as well as rational thinking, still play a part in these events. The first chapters study protest violence in Germany and the United States from 1960 until 2010, taking a detailed look at what happens between the start of a protest and the eruption of violence or its peaceful conclusion. They compare the impact of such dynamics to the role of police strategies and culture, protesters’ claims and violent motivations, the black bloc and agents provocateurs. The analysis shows how violence is triggered, what determines its intensity, and which measures can avoid its outbreak. The book explores whether we find similar situational patterns leading to surprising outcomes in other types of small- and large-scale events: uprisings turning violent, such as Ferguson in 2014 and Baltimore in 2015, and failed armed store robberies.


Author(s):  
Holly M. Mikkelson

This chapter traces the development of the medical interpreting profession in the United States as a case study. It begins with the conception of interpreters as volunteer helpers or dual-role medical professionals who happened to have some knowledge of languages other than English. Then it examines the emergence of training programs for medical interpreters, incipient efforts to impose standards by means of certification tests, the role of government in providing language access in health care, and the beginning of a labor market for paid medical interpreters. The chapter concludes with a description of the current situation of professional medical interpreting in the United States, in terms of training, certification and the labor market, and makes recommendations for further development.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
Robert G. Craig ◽  
Harry P. Mapp

“There is more than enough evidence to show that the states and localities, far from being weak sisters, have actually been carrying the brunt of domestic governmental progress in the United States ever since the end of World War II … Moreover, they have been largely responsible for undertaking the truly revolutionary change in the role of government in the United States that has occurred over the past decade.”–Daniel J. Elazar, The Public Interest


Significance A new justice has the potential to change the tenor of the Supreme Court's rulings significantly for many years to come, on issues including the scope of federal regulation, campaign finance and the federal government's powers. Scalia was a vocal political and judicial conservative, and the upcoming political fight to appoint his successor will reflect the broader conservative-progressive debate about civil liberties, the scope of the Constitution and the role of government in society. Impacts The Obama administration is likely to see many of its administrative actions upheld, at least until his term ends next January. An open Supreme Court seat may boost turnout by conservative Republican voters worried about a moderate or liberal appointment. Appointment politics and numerous federal vacancies are likely to persist as a feature of divided government in the United States.


Author(s):  
Nunzio Pernicone ◽  
Fraser M. Ottanelli

Customarily both in Europe and the United States, government officials, the press and historians have described late 19th century anarchists as murderous, bloody thirsty, irrational and wretched individuals The introduction details how the book will show that “propaganda of the deed,” as conceived and carried out by Italian anarchists, was the product of the revolutionary tradition of the Risorgimento; the influence of Russian anarchist revolutionary Mikhail Bakunin; the role of government repression in Italy, France and Spain; along with the experiences of Italian migrant laborers at home and abroad. Finally, the introduction described how the book will also provide biographical portraits and analysis of the major Italian perpetrators of political assassinations in fin-de-siècle Italy, France, and Spain.


Author(s):  
Garry D. Bruton ◽  
Naiheng Sheng

Scholars tend to employ “universal” theories developed within the Western context, particularly the United States, when examining Chinese business phenomena. However, the applicability of such theories universally in the domain of family business in China is questionable. In order to address such Chinese context, we argue for the need to build indigenous theory. Specifically, we argue that three domains in family businesses in China represent such distinct differences from the West that such “universal” theories cannot explain them. We explore these three domains and, in turn, examine how to build indigenous theories in these scenarios. Specifically, we point out the need for abductive theory building to develop indigenous theory in China around the concerns of professionalization, harmony, and the role of government.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 77-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry G. Schermers

In his article on the implementation of international law by the domestic courts in the United States, Richard Falk focuses on the possible role of domestic courts with respect to the acts of foreign policy which may be contrary to international law. In general that role is limited. This is the same in Europe. Falk mentions efforts of individuals, to change national foreign policy by means such as the Russell Tribunal, boycotts of products, blocking of tracks and the occupation of buildings. Such activities also happen in Europe but rather with the intention to attract public attention than with the purpose to litigate in court. In Europe it is generally accepted that courts should not take policy decisions of that kind.


Author(s):  
Lydia Bean

This chapter examines the claim that evangelical Christians are predisposed toward economic conservatism because of their individualistic theology. In the United States, white evangelicals are more economically conservative than other Americans. Yet Canadian evangelicals are just as supportive of redistributive social policy as other Canadians, even though they share the same tools of conservative Protestant theology. To solve this puzzle, the chapter compares how U.S. and Canadian evangelical congregations talked about poverty and the role of government. In both countries, evangelicals made sense of their religious responsibilities to “the poor” by reference to national identity. Evangelicals used their theological tools differently in the United States and Canada, because different visions of national solidarity served as cultural anchors for religious discourse about poverty.


Author(s):  
Kal Raustiala

The opening decades of the twentieth century were a period of great change in international politics. The First World War led not only to a reallocation of territorial possessions—the empires of the great powers had reached their zeniths—but also to a reallocation of power in world politics. Leadership began to flow from Great Britain, the “weary titan,” to the comparatively wealthy and vibrant United States. The newly formed League of Nations sought to manage international conflict but, with the United States refusing to join, was soon overwhelmed by rising violence. Nations turned inward, no longer willing to pursue the economic interdependence of the late nineteenth century. In E. H. Carr’s famous words, a “twenty years’ crisis” began at the close of the “war to end all wars”; the crisis culminated in the onset of another, even deadlier, war in 1939. These were also decades of ferment at home. The Progressive movement was recasting American politics, while the voting franchise expanded. At the same time the federal government was becoming a much more significant force in American life. The role of the federal government had long been limited. What scholars call the administrative state was quite small until the early twentieth century. By the 1940s, by contrast, the federal government comprised a rich and powerful array of agencies and departments, many devoted to regulating economic and social relations. These regulatory agencies, and the laws they implemented, provided a new frontier in the development of norms and rules of territoriality. The onset of comprehensive national regulation had many causes. Industrialization, the nationalization of the economy, and the Depression and its associated political upheaval—all these and more contributed to a remarkable shift in the role of government. In a wave of lawmaking that began in the 1890s, and accelerated dramatically with the New Deal, the United States promulgated a myriad of new laws aimed at subjecting economic and social activity to government power. One of the first examples of this new genre of statutes was the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890.


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