scholarly journals The Unite the Right Movement and the Brokerage of Social Conservative Voices Within the New Conservative Party of Canada

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Laura Devaney
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Conflicting Interests ◽  
Significant Change ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Conservatism

2003 marked a year of significant change in the political landscape, particularly for the Canadian right. After ten years of division, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PCs) and the Canadian Alliance united to create the Conservative Party of Canada. This union required a balancing of the interests of both of its founding parties who, on certain issues, espoused very different views. One important example of this was social conservatism. In this paper, the author examines the new party’s attempt to balance the two parties’ differing opinions on social conservatism. In order to accomplish this, the paper first examines the differences between the two parties, and then examines how conflicting interests were resolved under the banner of the ‘New Conservative Party.’ The author concludes that by deliberately declarin socially conservative issues beyond the scope of party policy, the new conservative party has been able to strike a balance between the interests of the voting population and the interests of its more socially conservative members, who are able to express their preferences by means of a free vote.

Economic Community of West African States, Regional security and the Implementation of Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility to Protect: Rhetoric or Reality?

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-183
Author(s):  
Peter Arthur
Keyword(s):  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
West African ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Conflicting Interests

The last 25 years have seen Economic Community of West African States, through the use of various norms, structures and protocols, make the promotion of security and the implementation of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P) important aspects of the political landscape in the sub-region. The article argues that despite the great strides made by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the implementation of R2P, there are not only challenges (inadequate funds available for peace and security missions, conflicting interests and lack of agreement, poor co-ordination, inadequate human and logistics capacity) with its application in the sub-region, but also concerns about its future. Thus, to promote security and realise the goals of implementing humanitarian intervention and R2P in the ECOWAS sub-region, not only should the actors involved have the requisite capacity but also political will and commitment, citizen awareness, and co-operation among ECOWAS member-states and with the international community should remain crucial to the process.

The language of exclusion

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Talay
Keyword(s):  
Predominantly White ◽  
Strong Association ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
John Howard ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Immigration And Asylum ◽  
The Right

Abstract It has been argued that far-right populist parties (FRPP) distinguish themselves from other parties on the right of the political spectrum through their strong association with nationalism, anti-elitism, authoritarianism and historical mythologizing. These features typically manifest in discourse that attempts to justify exclusionist immigration and asylum policies by presenting Islam as an existential threat to predominantly white societies. This paper seeks to establish whether a conservative party that has never been considered populist could possess the same features as an FRPP by comparing three selected discursive texts – one from mainstream conservative party leader John Howard and two from prominent European FRPP leaders. The analysis revealed that the key difference between the three leaders was Howard’s failure to satisfy the authoritarianism criterion, which was interpreted as a decisive factor in his party’s moderate guise. This suggests that some mainstream parties may be more ideologically extremist than they are perceived to be.

scholarly journals Politisk avstand ved sametingsvalg: En kartlegging av det samiske ideologiske landskapet i Norge1

2021 ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Jo Saglie
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
Political Differences

In this chapter, we explore the ideological and political landscape of Sámi electoral politics. Which ideological and political cleavages are important in Sámi politics, and how do these cleavages manifest themselves in voting patterns and party differences? We use the Sámi election surveys from 2013 to 2017. The analysis describes a Sámi political landscape with small ideological and political differences, where primarily the Progress Party stands out. Voters who favour this party are far from other party voters on the central issue of Sámi self-determination, and there is a mutually frosty relationship between Progress Party voters and other voters. On some issues, Conservative Party voters are in an intermediate position between the Progress Party voters and the rest, and voters for the Nordkalottfolket party also have a somewhat different profile. However, the differences between the remaining parties are less clear. This also applies to the two main competitors, the NSR and the Labour Party, and the political distances found in our survey questions cannot explain the pattern of coalition formation in the Sámi Parliament. The relatively small distances between the largest parties can be advantageous in dealing outwardly with the Norwegian state. Internally, however, small political distances can blur the political landscape in the eyes of the voters and make it difficult to choose between parties.

scholarly journals The Fulfillment of Nationwide Interests of Post-War Germany in the Dimension of ‘Chancellor Democracy’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrii Kudriachenko
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
National Interests ◽  
German Development ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Right

Abstract. Summing up the modern course of events regarding political leadership in Germany and on the basis of activities of eight chancellors, the author contends the following: The decisive factor in ascension to the political Olympus is the affiliation with either of the two parties, the SPD or the CDU/CSU union, with the nominee’s leadership qualities and political acumen playing an essential role. Even if these conditions are met, the contender’s choice of situation and time where these qualities would be sought after is quite important. It was the political developments of a certain historical era that became an imperative for some politicians to take the reins of power and use them to the full extent. Indeed, at turning points in the history of the Federal Republic, the most crucial decisions were prepared at the German Chancellery and made unilaterally by the chancellor. The author of the article emphasises that chance cannot be ruled out. To become a successful leader in Germany, the much-needed person must be in the right place at the right time. Proof of that is the example of German federal chancellors. The political landscape, democratic footing, and well-structured state and political set-up have enabled only two political parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, to nominate from their ranks those who could become national leaders of their historical epoch. The basis of ‘chancellor democracy’ as a system of state and political power has never impeded but enabled such ascension for outstanding personalities. Quite a few of them have become some sort of fathers of the nation. Able leadership that has benefited national interests and fitted into the plane of German development prospects has defined the personal success of both political figures and public officials of national scope. Keywords: Federal Republic of Germany, federal chancellor, political landscape, SPD, CDU/CSU.

scholarly journals A Democratic Opening? The AKP and the Kurdish Left

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Cavanaugh ◽  
Edel Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Kurdish Issue ◽  
The Right

AbstractSince its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (

Hollande may stand again but right look stronger

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Nicolas Sarkozy

Subject The political outlook after the 'departement' elections. Significance Following the March 2015 'departement' elections, four candidates are emerging as front-runners for the 2017 presidential election in their respective camps. After enjoying a political comeback in recent months and seeing internal Socialist Party (PS) and other left-wing opposition sidelined, President Francois Hollande will now almost certainly be able to run for re-election as the PS candidate. Former Prime Minister Alain Juppe and former President Nicolas Sarkozy are battling for control of the centre-right, divided principally by strategy towards immigration, Islam and the National Front (FN). FN leader Marine Le Pen has emerged from a decisive showdown with her father as an even stronger far-right candidate. The political landscape has shifted to the right. Impacts Having re-established some stability around his presidency, Hollande is now unlikely to risk it by pursuing economic reforms. Hollande could aggravate divisions among the Greens and on the far left by including Green ministers in the government in coming months. As potential presidents, both Juppe and Sarkozy appear willing to engage in substantial structural reform. Jean-Marie Le Pen's final political exit will allow a new generation to take definitive charge of the FN and complete its 'detoxification'.

A Land Fit for Tories to Live In: The Political Ecology of the British Conservative Party, 1944–94

1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Right ◽  
Second World

Although the industrialised West has seen since the 1970s a very marked leaning to the right both in government and in popular politics, the experience of the British Conservative Party has been unique. The party can trace a continuous existence to the reconstruction of the King's government by William Pitt the Younger in 1784, and is probably the oldest political organisation in the world: far older, indeed, than most sovereign states. In two centuries of life it has transformed itself from the party of monarchy, aristocracy and the Established Church into a highly successful practitioner of mass politics. It has been in government, either as the sole party of government or as the dominant partner in coalition, for seventy years in the last hundred, and thirty-two years in the last fifty. This remarkable political achievement can be explained at many levels; the purpose of this article is to explore just one of them. By bringing together the explanatory insights of political scientists working on electoral sociology with the records of the party in government and opposition, it is possible to discern how the Conservatives used the opportunities of government to cultivate the society which tended, and increasingly tends, to give them victory at the ballot box. This cultivation of the political environment was not exactly social engineering – a project which contemporary Conservatives emphatically reject – but in tune with the biological metaphor of the title of this paper it could be called ‘social gardening’. The first part of the article examines very briefly how political scientists have come to understand the functioning of the British electoral process since the Second World War. The second part explores the process of adaptation which has enabled the Conservative Party to dominate British politics since the war.

scholarly journals Authoritarian populism in the US: context and continuity in a post-truth era

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-44
Author(s):  
Richard C. Box
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
The Public ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Right ◽  
Elite Influence

Abstract An enduring theme in US politics is tension between people on the right who favour limited government that serves individual and elite interests and people on the left who prefer active government with emphasis on a broader public interest. Recently, the political landscape has shifted from the dominant ideology of neoliberalism toward a far-right authoritarian populism with parallels to mid-20th century fascism. This shift appears in regressive societal characteristics - such as xenophobia, racism, homophobia, and misogyny - that were thought to have diminished in an increasingly progressive 21 st century. An argument can be made that authoritarian populism is a continuation of longstanding patterns of elite influence, in which regressive elements serve as techniques to distract the public from the governing economic agenda. The essay examines this phenomenon and explores potential future effects on US society.

scholarly journals “Right Turn” in Israeli Political Life (1965—1977)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 353-367
Author(s):  
V. M. Morozov ◽  
S. V. Melnikova
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

The issues related to the events that took place in Israeli political life in the 60s and 70s of the XX century, which went down in history under the name of the “right turn”, when the leftwing parties came to replace the leading left-wing parties since 1949 are examined in the article. It is shown how, with their coming to power, foreign and domestic political approaches have changed, within which the ideas of Zionism-revisionism began to come to the fore. The authors analyze the reasons for the end of the era of the leadership of the left parties in Israeli politics, the essence the “right turn” and its consequences. Particular attention is paid to the activities of such forces of as MAPAI and Likud, which have largely shaped the political landscape of the state since the second half of the 1960s. It is emphasized that this issue is relevant from the point of view of analyzing later events and, in particular, the 2019—2020 crisis during the formation of the Israeli government, as well as intensifying its policy in the Palestinian direction. It has been proved that some of the key factors that still determine the internal political and social atmosphere in the country and the region appeared precisely at the considered historical stage.

THE KENYAN ASIANS, BRITISH POLITICS, AND THE COMMONWEALTH IMMIGRANTS ACT, 1968

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDALL HANSEN
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
British Politics ◽  
British Government ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Conservatism

The article examines the 1966–70 Labour government's decision to withdraw the right of entry from Asians with British passports who were driven out of Kenya by its ‘Africanization’ policies. It examines the decision within the context of three issues: first, the existence and status of a pledge, allegedly made by Macmillan's last Conservative government, that the Asians' right to enter the UK would be respected; second, a decline in both major parties' commitment to the Commonwealth; and, third, competing ideological strains within the Labour party. The article concentrates on the first of these issues, focusing on an as-yet-unresolved debate between Duncan Sandys and Iain Macleod, both Conservative Colonial Secretaries. Macleod argued that a solemn pledge had been given to the Asians, while Sandys and the Conservative party adamantly denied the claim. In the light of new archival evidence, the article argues that the Asians' exemption from immigration controls, which had been applied to the whole of the Commonwealth, did not result from an explicit commitment by the British government; it was rather the unintended result of the mechanism chosen to restrict Commonwealth immigration in 1962. It was a consequence, however, that was recognized by civil servants at the time of the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962, and accepted by key figures in the British cabinet, including Duncan Sandys himself. The position taken by Sandys and the majority of the Conservative party in 1968 was, behind the safety of the Official Secrets Act, a betrayal of commitments made and pledges given only a few years earlier. The article concludes by suggesting that the Kenyan Asians' crisis represented both a shift, in the two parties, away from previous commitments to the Commonwealth and, in the Labour party, the triumph of James Callaghan's strand of Labour ideology – nationalist, anti-intellectual, indifferent to arguments about international law and obligation, and firmly in touch with the social conservatism of middle- and working-class England.

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