scholarly journals The EU-China’s Strategic Partnership: A Case Study of the EU’s Arms Embargo against China

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-60
Author(s):  
Yixiong Huang
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Strategic Issues ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
Arms Embargo ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

In 2003, the EU and China established a strategic partnership intended to deepen their bilateral relationship not only economically, but also strategically. However, the EU-China relations are still challenged by several ideological and strategic issues. This paper will evaluate the EU-China’s strategic partnership by presenting a case study of the EU’s arms embargo against China since the 1989 Tiananmen Incident. This paper will argue that although the EU-China’s strategic partnership has a strong foundation of bilateral economic and strategic cooperation, the relationship between the EU and China is still very weak: (1) ideologically, the EU is still unsatisfied with China’s human rights record and political reform process; and (2) strategically, the United States (U.S.) still plays an influential role the EU’s external decision-making process. 

The Sino–Russian Strategic Partnership

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
Major Power ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
Key Players ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
The Relationship

The Conclusion reviews the volume’s major themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, and are key players in shaping the international order. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” While the relationship has grown deeper, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies. Thus, their relationship is marked by burgeoning cooperation, but still areas of potential competition and friction. Russia in particular must deal with China’s growing relative power at the same time that it is isolated from the West. While the Russian–Chinese relationship creates challenges for the United States and Europe and a return of major power rivalry, there is also room for cooperation in the strategic triangle comprising China, Russia, and the West. Looking ahead, the world is in a period of dramatic transition.

Instrument of Mobilization or a Bridge towards Understanding? Religion and Values in the Reform Process of the European Union

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christof Mandry
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Fundamental Question ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Self ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Charter Of Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe self-understanding of the Europeans has been profoundly put into question since 1989, and during the EU reform process, 'Europe' was confronted by the task of describing itself anew. In this context, the debate about the significance of the religious patrimony took on a key position in the discourse. The broad public discussions of the preambles to the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the Treaty establishing a Constitution for the European Union (ECT) indicate that the relationship between religion and political remains a controversial issue. The article argues that the 'preamble disputes' are part and parcel of the European Union's quest for a political identity and that the outcome of the identity debate—the self-description as a 'community of values'—deals in a specific way with this fundamental question.

scholarly journals Poland, Ukraine, and the Idea of Strategic Partnership

1999 ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Burant
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
The Relationship

Both Ukrainian and Polish policymakers have come to use the term strategic partnership to characterize the relationship between their two countries. Teodozii Starak, an adviser to the Ukrainian Embassy in Poland, has stated that strategic partnership "means that both [Ukraine and Poland] demonstrate coordinated stances and support each other in the most important political areas. " However, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma also regularly uses the term to characterize his country's relations with Russia. In addition, Ukrainian officials have labeled China, the United States, Germany, and Bulgaria as Ukraine's strategic partners. The use of the term with reference to Russia-with which Ukraine throughout the 1990s has had serious political differences-or Bulgaria or China, which are not priorities for Ukrainian foreign and security policy, appears to strip it of any significance; the term implies, at best, a goal, or, at worst, a public relations effort.

Taiwan–Myanmar Relations within the Framework of the New Southbound Policy

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Kristina Kironska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Trade War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into

Abstract This article combines the study of Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy with a case study of Taiwan–Myanmar relations from a perspective of political relations, economic cooperation, and Taiwan’s (un)recognisability in Myanmar—i.e. Taiwan’s soft power in Myanmar. The first part of the paper introduces the policy and compares it with the previous ones, and sheds light on Taiwan’s motivation to engage with Myanmar. It considers the ongoing trade war between the United States and China, due to which investment relocation from China is expected to sharply increase. The second part of the paper provides an insight into the relationship between Taiwan and Myanmar after Myanmar’s state-led political transformation from military rule and economic liberalisation since approximately 2010. It explains the main aspects and determinants of the relationship between two countries that share a neighbouring potential hegemon which they both wish to balance against.

The Need to Decarbonise Buildings: Reasons, Challenges and Objectives

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paloma Taltavull ◽  
Raúl Pérez ◽  
Francisco Juárez
Keyword(s):  
Investment Decision ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Investment Portfolio ◽  
Energy Characteristics ◽  
The Real Estate ◽  
Real Estate Sector ◽  
Investment Decision Making ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Eu

The article addresses the relevance of the real estate sector in climate change control through the decarbonisation of buildings. It presents a case study of an investment portfolio artificially constructed from randomly selected buildings in different Spanish cities and with different uses, evaluated in terms of their structural and energy characteristics. The CRREM tool is used to evaluate the decarbonisation horizon of the buildings between 2018 and 2050, their total emissions and their cost, in relation to the maximum allowed in the agreements signed by the EU in Paris (COP21). From this calculation, an assessment is provided of when buildings will become energetically stranded (energy obsolete) assets and the cost of carbon emitted above permitted levels. These calculations lend transparency to the investment decision-making process facing building owners in the EU over the next 30 years.

Defending core values: Human rights and the extradition of fugitives

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 581-596
Author(s):  
Asif Efrat ◽  
Abraham L Newman
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Core Values ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Theoretical Expectation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Human Rights Abuse ◽  
The Relationship

Are states willing to overlook human rights violations to reap the fruits of international cooperation? Existing research suggests that this is often the case: security, diplomatic, or commercial gains may trump human rights abuse by partners. We argue, however, that criminal-justice cooperation might be obstructed when it undermines core values of individual freedoms and human rights, since the breach of these values exposes the cooperating state to domestic political resistance and backlash. To test our argument, we examine extradition: a critical tool for enforcing criminal laws across borders, but one that potentially threatens the rights of surrendered persons, who could face physical abuse, unfair trial, or excessive punishment by the foreign legal system. We find support for our theoretical expectation through statistical analysis of the surrender of fugitives within the European Union as well as surrenders to the United States: greater respect for human rights correlates with the surrender of fewer persons. A case study of Britain confirms that human rights concerns may affect the willingness to extradite. Our findings have important implications for debates on the relationship between human rights and foreign policy as well as the fight against transnational crime.

Rethinking the Relationship Between Public Regulation and Private Litigation: Evidence from Securities Class Action in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 333-361
Author(s):  
Robin Hui Huang
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Class Action ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Securities Law ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Public And Private Enforcement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

Abstract China has a civil procedure for collective litigation, which is dubbed Chinese-style class action, as it differs from the U.S.-style class action in some important ways. Using securities class action as a case study, this Article empirically examines both the quantity and quality of reported cases in China. It shows that the number of cases is much lower than expected, but the percentage of recovery is significantly higher than that in the United States. Based on this, the Article casts doubt on the popular belief that China should adopt the U.S.-style class action, and sheds light on the much-debated issue concerning the relationship between public and private enforcement of securities law. The Article also discusses the future prospects of securities class action in China in light of some recent developments which may provide its functional equivalents, including the regulator-brokered compensation fund and public interest group litigation.

scholarly journals Equal Pay and EU Public Procurement Law – Case Study of Mandatory Icelandic ÍST85 Standard

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Marta Andhov ◽  
Bergþór Bergsson
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Procurement ◽  
Internal Market ◽  
Market Analysis ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Equal Pay ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

 From 2018, it became mandatory to obtain the Icelandic Equal Pay Standard (ÍST85) for all companies with 25+ employees annually operating on the Icelandic market. It has been unclear to what extent – if any – the ÍST85 can be applied in public procurements. This article analyses whether the ÍST85 is compliant with the relevant European Union internal market law, particularly public procurement law. The growing intensity of nudges to include and verify social elements in public procurements can be observed throughout the EU. The analysis of the Islandic case study bears relevance as it can be applied to the EU Member States and other EEA/EFTA States, contemplating similar approaches in their procurements. Section 1 introduces ÍST85. Section 2 analyses the relationship between EEA and EU law, showcasing that this article's analytical outcomes provide lessons applicable beyond Iceland. Section 3 examines how equal pay is regulated under EU law. Section 4 conducts an internal market analysis of ÍST85 compliance by examining the Treaties provisions on free movement. Section 5 introduces the EU public procurement law and examines ÍST85 compliance with Directive 2014/24/EU. Section 6 tests the application of ÍST85 to the Posted Workers Directive. Section 7 concludes the article. 

scholarly journals The EU and China, 2006 to 2016: A Clash Between Interests and Values

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-129
Author(s):  
Kerry Brown
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
External Action ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Studies ◽  
Arms Embargo ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

In the last decade, while undergoing its own reform through the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 which created a designated foreign affairs body across the 28 member states, the European External Action Service (EEAS), the European Commission has also produced two major communications on relations with the People’s Republic of China. The first, in 2006, was issued at a time when the European Union (EU) was just recovering from its failure to lift the arms embargo on China, and was being criticised by Beijing because it had not accorded market economy status to a country that had become its largest trading partner. The second came out in 2016, at a time when the relationship had settled into a more pragmatic mould, though the continuing refusal to grant market economy status still rankled with the Chinese partners. At time of publication of this article, the journal operated under the old name. When quoting please refer to the citation on the left using British Journal of Chinese Studies. The pdf of the article still reflects the old journal name; issue number and page range are consistent.   

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