scholarly journals Rhetorical Ambiguity and Political Leadership: Ethos and Negotiation in Fredrik Reinfeldt’s 2005 “Welcome to the New Moderates” Speech

Res Rhetorica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommy Bruhn
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Speech Acts ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Common Action ◽  
Rhetorical Leadership

This article explores how rhetorically ambiguous speech acts can work as preventive negotiations of potential confl ict within a political party and how such acts can affect the ethos of the leader. I show how rhetorically ambiguous speech can be a way of performing rhetorical leadership and communicating a democratic ethos while motivating participation in a common action for ends understood differently by different audiences.

scholarly journals Åpenhetsparadokset

2020 ◽  
pp. 95-119
Author(s):  
Espen Leirset ◽  
Asbjørn Røiseland
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Good Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Subsequent Chapter ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Municipal Level

This chapter focusses on the publicity of political meetings. While Norway has mandatory open meetings in all political bodies at the municipal level, in Denmark all the meetings apart from the council meetings are mandatory closed. This gives a good opportunity to study how the difference plays out in practice, and which effect open meetings have for political leadership. The analysis illustrates the paradox related to openness – open meetings do not necessarily give more openness. Instead, more deliberation and political discussions in Norway are moved to informal meetings external to the formal democratic system, like political party meetings which are closed to the public. In a brief and subsequent chapter, two Norwegian Mayors explain their experiences with closed meetings.

scholarly journals Puhumalla hallitseminen. Vahvan johtajuuden ilmentyminen Kekkosen radiopuheissa 1937–1967

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jukka-Pekka Puro
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Speech Genre ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Rhetorical Leadership

Leadership through Speeches. The Manifestations of Strong Leadership in Kekkonen’s Radio Speeches of the Years 1937–1967Presidential radio speeches, as they were broadcast in Finland from the 1930s to the 1960s, were an integral part of Urho Kekkonen's political leadership and his position as the head of the state. In this article, Kekkonen’s speeches are divided into three genres: memorial speeches, New Year’s speeches, and foreign policy speeches. Each speech genre can be interpreted to avail various political ambitions and the political objectives strengthened during the time. In his first national radio speeches, Kekkonen was moderate and restraint, but during the 1950s the speeches became persuasive and eloquent. In Kekkonen’s most famous speeches of the 1960s, he applied diverse techniques of classic rhetoric aiming at strong rhetorical leadership. The 34 speeches, discussed in this article, are analyzed from the perspectives of neo-classical and generic rhetorical criticism.Puhumalla hallitseminen. Vahvan johtajuuden ilmentyminen Kekkosen radiopuheissa vuosina 1937–1967  Tarkastelen tässä artikkelissa Urho Kaleva Kekkosen vuosina 1937–1967 pitämiä radiopuheita. Radiopuheet olivat kiinteä osa Kekkosen poliittista johtajuutta ja hänen asemaansa valtionpäämiehenä. Puheet jaetaan artikkelissa kolmeen lajityyppiin: muistopuheisiin, uudenvuodenpuheisiin ja turvallisuuspuheisiin. Jokaisella lajityypillä voi tulkita olleen omat poliittiset tavoitteensa. Lajityyppien sisällä on paljon vaihtelua: Kekkosen radioretoriikkaa leimaa etenkin tarkastelujakson alkupuolella maltillisuus ja pidättyväisyys, mutta joissain 1960-luvun ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisissa puheissa voidaan havaita lähinnä uskonnolliselle retoriikalle ominaista hurmoshenkisyyttä. Kekkosta voidaan pitää monellakin tapaa klassisena poliittisena reettorina. Hän tunsi ja hallitsi monipuolisesti retoriikan tekniikoita eikä kavahtanut – kuten retorinen analyysi etenkin niin kutsuttujen yöpakkas- ja noottikriisipuheiden yhteydessä osoittaa – kovien tekniikoiden käyttämistä poliittisissa ristiriitatilanteissa.

Gramsci without the Prince

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Martin Thomas
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
United Front ◽  
Class Hegemony

Peter Thomas, in The Gramscian Moment, explains well how Gramsci strove to re-educate the communist movement in an expansive spirit, around the united front. He makes clear that the united-front approach advocated by Gramsci, based on working-class mobilisation and accompanied by clear communist criticism, was distinct from the policy of bourgeois alliances to be advocated by the Stalinist parties after 1935 under the name ‘popular front’. He demystifies the concept in Gramsci of working-class ‘hegemony’, from which so many speculations are spun, showing that it meant nothing other than working-class political leadership, achieved through sound use of united-front tactics. Yet Thomas makes the formula of ‘united front’ do too much, or bundles into it more than it can rationally contain. Meanwhile, the question of the revolutionary working-class political party is almost entirely absent in Thomas’s discussion.

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

"Let's do lunch sometime": An analysis of ostensible speech acts

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen E. Link ◽  
Roger J. Kreuz ◽  
Jackie Soto
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts
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