scholarly journals Instilling Religious Knowledge and Practice as A Way to Prevent Deprivation among Parmalim People as An Indigenous Religious Minority Group in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 00008
Author(s):  
Niesya Ridhania Harahap ◽  
Irmawati Irmawati
Keyword(s):  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Group Situation ◽  
Religious Teaching ◽  
Knowledge And Practice ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Parmalim is an indigenous religion from the ancient Toba Batak and has been categorized by the government as one of the “local” religions in Indonesia. They have been struggling to keep their community accepted among society. Furthermore, they often made comparisons between their group situation with other “formal” religious groups in terms of the institutional treatment regarding their civil data administration, the religious studies in the school, the building progress of the worship house, and their job opportunities. This study aims to present the descriptive result of the impact of instilling religious knowledge and practice as a way to prevent group relative deprivation among Parmalim people in Medan using a descriptive qualitative method. The Relative Deprivation theory was arranged from (Smith et al., 2014) theory using three components of RD, such as cognitive comparison, cognitive appraisal, and justice-related effect. The religious knowledge and practice are divided into Parmalim core values and customs such as Tona (Religious teaching), Poda (Commandement), Patik (Canon), and Uhum (Law). The result of this study had shown that Parmalim people in Medan possessed low group relative deprivation as an impact of the religious knowledge and practice that have been instilled among them.

scholarly journals Respon Masyarakat Terhadap Sertifikasi Ulama di Kota Palembang

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Saipul Annur
Keyword(s):  
Religious Life ◽  
Behavior Patterns ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The cleric in this study is "one who knows and has a wide range of religious knowledge and becomes a model of society". In this period of reform, change occurs in every aspect of people's life, whether economic, political, social and religious life. The change is fundamental and takes place within seconds, even difficult to guess. This of course brings the impact of confusion and uncertainty for the community in determining their life step. Indications of society's attitude are now increasingly crystallized as seen from their behavior patterns. Whether or not the public's view of the ulama has been experienced is a shift in especially those involved in the party's activities and entering the power environment. The people who were respectful and willing to listen to the words of the ulama are no longer less indications that they are engaged in activities that are contrary to the will of the ummah or who are not successful in their mission. Therefore, to restore the image of the ulama, the government once discourse the certification to this circle.   Ulama  dalam peneltian ini adalah “orang yang mengetahui dan dan memiliki ilmu   agama yang luas dan menjadi panutan  masyarakat”. Dalam masa  reformasi ini,  perubahan  terjadi pada setiap aspek kehidupan masyarakat, baik  ekonomi, politik, sosial dan kehidupan keagamaan. Perubahan tersebut  bersifat  mendasar  dan berlangsung dalam hitungan detik, bahkan sulit untuk ditebak. Hal ini tentunya  membawa dampak kebingungan dan ketidakpastian  bagi masyarakat  dalam menentukan langkah kehidupan mereka. Indikasi sikap  masyarakat  tersebut saat ini semakin mengkristal yang terlihat dari pola tingkah laku mereka. Disadari  atau tidak pandangan masyarakat  terhadap para ulama telah mengalami pergeseran teutama pada mereka yang terlibat dalam kegiatan partai dan masuk dalam lingkungan kekuasaan. Masyarakat yang tadi hormat dan mau mendengarkan perkataan ulama  sekarang  tidak lagi  apalagi ada indikasi mereka terlibat dalam kegiatan yang bertentangan dengan kehendak ummat atau yang  tidak berhasil dalam misi yang diembannya. Oleh karena itu, mengembalikan citra ulama maka pemerintah pernah mewacanakan  melaksanaka sertifikasi  terhadap kalangan ini.

ISAF WITHDRAWAL AND AN UPSURGE OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN AFGHANISTAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 112-124
Author(s):  
Dinara Aytzhanova ◽  
Daniyar Aytzhanov
Keyword(s):  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
White House ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Religious Extremism ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
International Security Assistance Force

An upsurge of religious extremism and terrorism in Afghanistan that followed the 2014 withdrawal of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) confirmed the pessimistic forecasts for the country’s future: a far greater number of terrorist attacks and their victims among non-combatants across the country was the most obvious repercussion. The civil war continued unabated, while the negative additional factors—the Taliban that had grown much stronger, as well as the activation of ISIS militants, who had come from Iraq and Syria to continue fighting—contributed to its further exacerbation. All sorts of extremist religious groups in Afghanistan consolidated their positions and even created an unwelcome possibility of their transit to the Central Asian countries. The authors have clearly demonstrated that there is a direct interdependence between the presence of ISAF under U.S. command and the degree of violence of the Taliban, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant—Khorasan Chapter, and Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan operating in Afghanistan. They have also analyzed the impact of the statement made by the U.S. regarding the signed agreement with the Taliban that envisaged the removal of U.S. troops from the country in the next fourteen months and the release of Taliban prisoners. Since the Government of Afghanistan had been left in the cold, many doubted that the agreement would be fully realized any time soon. An analysis of the events that followed demonstrated that the Taliban would not stick to its part of the agreement, while the White House treated the document as an election promise (formally) fulfilled. There are enough extremist organizations (i.e., ISIS) that operate in the provinces and, free from obligations and in pursuit of their own aims, might interfere in the attempts to fulfill the agreement in its optimistic version. An assessment of certain processes suggests that the threats coming from ISIS are somewhat overestimated. The studies are based on the following methods: comparative analysis of relevant literature, statistical analysis of the dynamics of time series to identify the developing trends of terrorist activities of religious extremists in Afghanistan.

scholarly journals Arbitration Using Sharia Law in Canada: A Constitutional and Human Rights Perspective

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Shirish P. Chotalia
Keyword(s):  
Cross Section ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
Religious Law ◽  
The Law ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Recently, Canadian media reports warned that the Government of Ontario was considering the implementation of Sharia law as a judicial equivalent to Ontario law.1 Such reports were not accurate. Rather, the issue was whether arbitration by Islamic tribunals using Muslim law, which is often called Sharia law by non- Muslims, ought to be allowed under the auspices of general arbitration statutes.2 A cross-section of Muslim Canadians actively mobilized to oppose such a possibility through coalition- building and letter-writing campaigns.3 In June 2004, Marion Boyd was commissioned by the province to examine the issues surrounding the use of private arbitration to resolve family and inheritance cases, and the impact of the same on vulnerable people. The Boyd Report, tabled in December 2004, recommended that religious institutions be allowed to arbitrate such disputes on the basis of religious law, provided that a list of forty-six safeguards were adhered to.4 After the Boyd Report, some religious groups argued in favour of religious adjudications.5 Much public debate ensued, leading to a vociferous statement by Premier Dalton McGuinty, who vocally rejected religious adjudication.6 Further, the Government of Ontario outlined that it “will ensure that the law of the land in Ontario is not compromised, that there will be no binding family arbitration in Ontario that uses a set of rules or laws that discriminate against women.”7 The province amended its Arbitration Act8 and Family Law Act9 to provide that family arbitrations were conducted “in accordance with Ontario law or the law of another Canadian jurisdiction.”

scholarly journals Social Resilience of Minority Group: Study on Syiah Refugees in Sidoarjo and Ahmadiyah Refugees in Mataram

ULUMUNA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-278
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Theoretical Implication ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
Social Resilience ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

This research conceptually aims to find out the strategy the Shia community in Sidoarjo, East Java, and Ahmadiyya community in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, have employed to defend themselves from the pressure of the state and Sunni Muslim as majority group due to the differences in textual interpretation toward Islamic Holy Scriptures (The Qur’an). The theoretical implication from this study is to evaluate and criticize social resilience concept which refers to developmentalistic perspectives such as the use of social capital. In this article, social resilience is closely related to strategy of minorities to establish a tolerant multi religious community. This study argues that social resilience of religious minority groups, i.e. Shia in Sidoarjo and Ahmadiyya in Mataram, is formed by various aspects, such as the government policies on religious life, history of group formation, social relations and network, understanding towards religious values and spirituality, and cultural bonds in the community. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v19i2.418

scholarly journals Social protests and government responsiveness in Nigeria: a study on Bring Back Our Girls Movement

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 50-61
Author(s):  
Aluko Opeyemi Idowu
Keyword(s):  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Responsiveness ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Settlement Analysis ◽  
Political Settlement

Socio-political movements in any country seek to ensure what they perceive to be equity in governance, accountability of government personnel and prevent issues that could lead to injustice and violence if left unattended. Socio-political movements exist worldwide and, thus, are not peculiar to developing countries. They are excellent tools for expressing democratic nature of a given society and a tool for contestation against undemocratic governments. This paper analyses the actions and reactions of the Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) socio-political movement in Nigeria. The research question is to what extent has the movement been able to achieve accountability from the government in the quest of restoring the missing Chibok girls? The relative deprivation theoretical framework and political settlement analysis are employed to show the impact of the group reactions on the actions of the government. The analysis domiciles on the government of Nigeria. The paper concludes that democratic growth and development are sustained whenever citizens are able to approach the government by means of social movements and peaceful contestation. Resumo Os movimentos sociopolíticos em qualquer país procuram garantir o que consideram ser equidade na governança, responsabilização do governo e prevenir questões que poderiam levar à injustiça e violência se não fossem atendidas. Os movimentos sócio-políticos existem em todo o mundo e, portanto, não são peculiares aos países em desenvolvimento. São excelentes ferramentas para expressar a natureza democrática de uma determinada sociedade e uma ferramenta de contestação contra governos não democráticos. Este artigo analisa as ações e reações do movimento sócio-político Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) na Nigéria. A questão de investigação é perceber até que ponto o movimento foi capaz de obter a responsabilização do governo no retorno das jovens Chibok desaparecidas. A análise do acordo político é utilizado para mostrar o impacto das reações de grupo nas ações do governo. A análise foca-se no governo da Nigéria. O artigo conclui que o crescimento e desenvolvimento democráticos são sustentados sempre que os cidadãos se conseguem aproximar do governo por meio de movimentos sociais e contestação pacífica.

The Alevis

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisela Procházka-Eisl
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
Central Anatolia ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Arabic Speakers ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Balkan States

The Alevis are a religious community on the periphery of Shia Islam. The name “Alevi” means “Adherents of ʿAli,” alluding to Muhammad’s son-in-law and cousin ʿAli ibn Abi Talib, who enjoys extraordinary veneration among Alevis. Alevism was developed in Central Anatolia during the 13th century by itinerant Muslim mystics. It includes elements of pre-Islamic Turkish shamanism and aspects of mainstream Shia Islam, which influenced it through cultural contacts with Safavid Iran. Alevism never was a unified and homogeneous community but has always had a variety of sub-groups. For centuries Alevis practiced their rites in secret, which created suspicion and rumor among Sunnite Muslims. Today’s Alevis still have to struggle with this distrust, and are often regarded as heretics by the Sunnites. The designation “Alevi” came into use in the early 20th century as a collective term for a number of religious groups such as Bektaşi, Tahtacı, and Abdal, and today is used instead of the former, pejorative term Kızılbaş (“Red-Heads”). The Alevis are the largest religious minority group in the Republic of Turkey, where their estimated number is around 15 million. Large Alevi groups also reside in the Balkan states as well as in Central and Western Europe, particularly Germany and Austria. Roughly two-thirds of the Alevis are Turkish speakers. The other third speak Kurdish and Zazaki. In the 1980s, the community underwent the so-called “Alevi revival,” a process of exposure and openness that can be partly explained as a reaction against the re-Islamization of Turkish society. Today Alevis perform their rites and express their beliefs openly. Although they share certain features with them, the Alevis should not be confused with the Alawis (Nusayris), who live in southern Turkey and Syria and who are all Arabic speakers.

scholarly journals Contesting Sectarian Identity in Pakistan: Narratives from the Three Cities

2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 51-57
Author(s):  
Rahim Bakhsh ◽  
Sarfraz Khan ◽  
Syed Imran Haider
Keyword(s):  
General Public ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Religious Rituals ◽  
Substantial Level ◽  
Extremist Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Pakistan is facing a new wave of sectarian divide thus literally making it difficult for minority religious groups such as Shias to practice their religious rituals with freedom and liberty. During the last decade, the sectarian killings have increased to a substantial level much to the worry of the government and general public. The present study explores the impact of the widening sectarian cleavage due to the Shia rituals during and after the sacred month of Muharram in Pakistan. Shia religious practices are being challenged and their rites held down by the extremist groups who are bent upon hurl unforgiving criticism, random killings, a plethora of hate speeches, and religious demonstrations throughout Pakistan. Such practices have made it more exacting for the Shias to commemorate their religious rituals during Muharram throughout Pakistan. The large cities like Quetta, Hyderabad, Rawalpindi, Lahore, and Jhang have faced multifaceted sectarian clashes which made Shias vulnerable in the performance of rituals.

scholarly journals Minority Right to Attend Religious Education in Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Raihani Raihani
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
School Level ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Religious Minority ◽  
Majority Students ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Education

<p class="abstrak">In 2003, Indonesian government issued a new education law in which one of the articles (Article 12) states that student has the right to access religion class in school in accordance with his or her religion by teachers who share the faith. This particular article has a legal ramification that school --state and private-- by law must provide corresponding Religion Classes (RC) for each religious group of students in order to fulfil their very human basic right to access to and observe their religious and cultural teaching and practices. This paper presents findings of four different school case studies on the problem of access to RC by religious minority in schools in Indonesia. Minority in this paper refers to religious groups that are either numeric minority or subordinate majority at the micro school level, not in the macro national population. This paper argues that numeric minority in any context (micro or macro) is vulnerable to discrimination by the dominating majority when the law of social relations is not fairly implemented. The findings suggest that the right of religious minority groups in three of the four schools to access proper RC is stifled, particularly to access equal learning facilities. Numeric religious minority groups in these schools suffer from powerlessness. One case, however, demonstrates that the positional power of minority group reverses this logic of minority-powerlessness and puts the religious majority students in a subordinate position.</p><p class="abstrak">[Tahun 2003, pemerintah Indonesia mengeluarkan Undang-Undang Pendidikan yang pada pasal 12 menyatakan bahwa siswa mempunyai hak terhadap pelajaran agama di sekolah dengan guru yang mengajar sesuai dengan agamanya. Pasal ini mempunyai konsekuensi bahwa sekolah, baik swasta atau pun negeri, harus menyediakan kelas agama untuk setiap kelompok siswa untuk mendapatkan hak dasarnya guna melaksanakan agama dan ajarannya. Artikel ini menampilkan hasil penelitian dari empat sekolah dengan studi kasus pada persoalan kelas agama bagi kelompok minoritas. Istilah minoritas di sini merujuk pada kelompok agama yang sedikit jumlahnya atau kelompok kecil pada sekolah, bukan pada level nasional. Tulisan ini menegaskan bahwa minoritas pada konteks mikro atau makro sangat rentan terhadap perlakuan diskriminasi oleh kelompok mayoritas ketika hukum social tidak sepenuhnya dijalankan. Penemuan ini menegaskan bahwa hak keagamaan minoritas dalam tiga dari empat sekolah terganggu, terutama yang terkait dengan hak fasilitas belajar. Beberapa kelompok minoritas pada sekolah tersebut tak berdaya. Namun, satu kasus menunjukkan bahwa kondisi minoritas berbalik, justru  kelompok mayoritas yang menjadi subordinasi.]</p>

Prinsip Kearifan Lokal dalam Pengembangan Strategi Kehumasan pada Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Bandung

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-248
Author(s):  
Betty Tresnawaty
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Local Knowledge ◽  
Case Study Approach ◽  
West Java ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
Positive Image ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Public Relations Strategy

Public Relations of the Bandung Regency Government realizes that its area has a lot of potential for various local wisdom and has a heterogeneous society. This study aims to explore and analyze the values of local knowledge in developing public relations strategies in the government of Bandung Regency, West Java province. This study uses a constructivist interpretive (subjective) paradigm through a case study approach. The results showed that the Bandung Regency Government runs its government based on local wisdom. Bandung Regency Public Relations utilizes local insight and the region's potential to develop a public relations strategy to build and maintain a positive image of Bandung Regency. The impact of this research is expected to become a source of new scientific references in the development of public relations strategies in every region of Indonesia, which is very rich with various philosophies.Humas Pemerintah Kabupaten Bandung menyadari wilayahnya memiliki banyak potensi kearifan lokal yang beragam, serta memiliki masyarakatnya yang heterogen. Penelitian ini bertujuan menggali dan menganalisis nilai-nilai kearifan lokal dalam pengembangan strategi kehumasan di pemerintahan Kabupaten Bandung provinsi Jawa Barat.  Penelitian ini menggunakan paradigma interpretif (subjektif) konstruktivis melalui pendekatan studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pemerintah Kabupaten (Pemkab) Bandung menjalankan pemerintahannya berlandaskan pada kearifal lokal. Humas Pemkab Bandung memanfaatkan kearifan lokal dan potensi wilayahnya untuk mengembangkan strategi humas dalam membangun dan mempertahankan citra positif Kabupaten Bandung.Dampak penelitian ini diharapkan menjadi sumber rujukan ilmiah baru dalam pengembangan strategi kehumasan di setiap daerah Indonesia yang sangat kaya dengan beragam filosofi. 

Transport infrastructure of the Rostov Oblast: Problems and prospects for development in the context of national projects implementation

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 1015-1034
Author(s):  
O.Yu. Patrakeeva
Keyword(s):  
Time Series Data ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Rostov Oblast ◽  
Transport Infrastructure ◽  
Series Data ◽  
Cointegration Tests ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
Short Run ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Subject. The paper considers national projects in the field of transport infrastructure, i.e. Safe and High-quality Roads and Comprehensive Plan for Modernization and Expansion of Trunk Infrastructure, and the specifics of their implementation in the Rostov Oblast. Objectives. The aim is to conduct a statistical assessment of the impact of transport infrastructure on the region’s economic performance and define prospects for and risks of the implementation of national infrastructure projects in conditions of a shrinking economy. Methods. I use available statistics and apply methods and approaches with time-series data, namely stationarity and cointegration tests, vector autoregression models. Results. The level of economic development has an impact on transport infrastructure in the short run. However, the mutual influence has not been statistically confirmed. The paper revealed that investments in the sphere of transport reduce risk of accidents on the roads of the Rostov Oblast. Improving the quality of roads with high traffic flow by reducing investments in the maintenance of subsidiary roads enables to decrease accident rate on the whole. Conclusions. In conditions of economy shrinking caused by the complex epidemiological situation and measures aimed at minimizing the spread of coronavirus, it is crucial to create a solid foundation for further economic recovery. At the government level, it is decided to continue implementing national projects as significant tools for recovery growth.

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