Subjektivität und Herrschaft im Kontext von Biopolitik und Gentechnik

2007 ◽  
Vol 2007 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-192
Author(s):  
Martin G. Weiß

Starting with an analysis of Michel Foucault’s notion of biopower as defining feature of modernity, the present essay moves on to discuss different interpretations of “life” in the political theories of Giorgio Agamben and Hanna Arendt. The aim is to understand what transformations biopower has undergone since Foucault’s first studies. According to Jürgen Habermas biopower today has turned into liberal eugenics and bioengineering is replacing the natural origin of man causing a crisis of subjectivity, whereas from a Heideggerian point of view, the attempt to redesign human nature by means of biotechnology marks the summit of reifying subjectivism.#

Author(s):  
Alessandra Silveira ◽  
José Gomes André ◽  

This paper includes the exam of a Ph.D thesis about James Madison’s political philosophy, as well as the answers presented by the candidate to several criticai observations. Various themes are considered, though always surrounding Madison’s work: the peculiar characteristics of his federalism, the relationship between the idea of human nature and the elaboration of political models, the political and constitutional controversies that Madison entangled with several figures from its time (namely Alexander Hamilton), the problem of “judicial review” and the place of “constitutionality control” taken from a reflexive and institutional point of view, and other similar themes.


Author(s):  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Nicolai Von Eggers

In this text, Giorgio Agamben argues that the concept of democracy attests to a political, ontological amphibology: on the one side, democracy describes a constitution of a political order (and in this sense it belongs to public law); on the other side, democracy is a certain form of administration (in which case it belongs to administrative practice). It is argued that this amphibology can be located in the political theories of Aristotle and Jean-Jacques Rousseau who have been instrumental in forming our present conception of politics. Consequently, we misunderstand the fundamental nature of politics, and any hopes of genuine political life must therefore break with this tradition of Western political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

Abstract: Istvan Hont’s book Politics in Commercial Society, the final work of one of the twentieth century’s great students of Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment, presents a comparative study of the political theories of Smith and Rousseau. For students of the Smith-Rousseau relationship, it is valuable on two fronts, one methodological and one substantive. Yet the book is not the magnum opus for which some may have hoped. In light of this, the present essay has three aims: first, to call attention to the work’s most valuable substantive and methodological claims; second, to frame the book’s contributions by setting its claims in the context of recent scholarship; and third, to raise some questions regarding three of the book’s core theses.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (18) ◽  
pp. 162
Author(s):  
Glauco Barsalini

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>R</span><span>ESUMO </span></p><p><span>O debate travado entre o filósofo Jürgen Habermas e o cardeal Joseph Ratzinger publicado, no Brasil, com o nome </span><span>Dialética da Secularização: </span><span>sobre razão e religião, é inspirador. Enquanto, em uma posição liberal, Habermas defende o império da razão prática como âncora do pluralismo entre religiosos e entre não religiosos e religiosos, Ratzinger propugna pela anterioridade do criador a qualquer projeto humano, e pela existência de um </span><span>ethos </span><span>ocidental que correlacione razão com religião. Longe das perspectivas liberal e conservadora, Giorgio Agamben pensa uma nova forma de relacionamento humano. Reflete sobre a possibilidade da inoperosidade ou da despotencialização/desativação da política violenta imposta pelo Estado e pelo mercado. Em </span><span>O Reino e a Glória </span><span>denuncia a centralidade do elemento religioso nas formas de vida política, jurídica e material do mundo ocidental e, em </span><span>Profanações</span><span>, propõe a subversão da vinculação da religião com as formas institucionais de poder. Neste artigo coloca-se, lado a lado, o pensamento liberal do formulador da teoria do agir comunicativo, o conservador - de Bento XVI - e, por fim, o anárquico, do jusfilósofo italiano, tendo por objeto o problema da religião na sua conexão com as instituições políticas, jurídicas e econômicas. </span><span>P</span><span>ALAVRAS</span><span>-C</span><span>HAVE</span><span>: </span><span>Secularização. Religião. Poder. Política. Linguagem. </span></p><p><span>A</span><span>BSTRACT </span></p><p><span>The debate between philosopher Jürgen Habermas and Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger - entitled The Dialectics of Secularization: On Reason and Religion - is inspiring. While Habermas liberally defends practical reason as the anchor of pluralism among religious people and among religious and non-religious people, Ratzinger advocates the creator’s precedence to any human project and the existence of a Western Ethos that correlates reason with religion. Far from liberal and conservative perspectives, Giorgio Agamben considers a new type of human relationship. He reflects on the possibility of the inoperosity or disempowerment/decommissioning of the violent policts imposed by the State and by the market. In The Kingdom and the Glory, Agamben criticizes the centrality of the religious element in the political, legal, and material aspects of life in the Western world, and, in  </span>Profanations, he proposes the subversion of associating religion with institutional forms of power. This study compares the liberal point of view of the formulator of the theory of communicative action, the conservative thought of Pope Benedict XVI, and the anarchic thinking of the Italian, legal philosopher, considering the issue of religion and its relationship with political, legal and economic institutions.</p><div class="page" title="Page 2"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>K</span><span>EYWORDS</span><span>: </span><span>Secularization. Religion. Power. Policy. Language. </span></p></div></div></div></div></div></div>


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aécio Amaral

Resumo Em O Futuro da Natureza Humana, Jürgen Habermas afirma que os avanços recentes no campo das biotecnologias constituem um desafio para a ética do discurso nas Ciências Sociais. Por trás de sua crítica aos defensores da eugenia liberal reside o reconhecimento de que o Diagnóstico Genético Pré-Implantação potencialmente põe em cheque o papel exercido pela razão comunicativa na constituição de uma ética individual de auto-compreensão. A ‘ética da espécie’ proposta por Habermas como contraposição a esse fenômeno se nos apresenta como moralmente reativa, na medida em que sua crítica não alcança abarcar os aspectos metafísicos que estão no núcleo do discurso da eugenia liberal. O artigo é dividido em dois momentos: perceber como a recente intervenção de Habermas ecoa o motivo da alegada colonização do mundo-da-vida pela razão tecnológica, e demonstrar como a concepção de técnica que embasa seu relato o impede de divisar a crítica dos aspectos metafísicos da cultura genética contemporânea.Palavras-chave Jürgen Habermas; cultura genética; sociedade da informação; ciência e mundo-da-vida; ética do discurso Abstract In The Future of Human Nature, Jürgen Habermas recognizes that current advances in biotechnology are challenging discourse ethics in Social Sciences. Behind his fear of the possibility of liberal eugenics, lies the recognition that pre-implanted genetic diagnosis potentially puts into question the role played by communicative reason in the constitution of the individual’s ethics of self-understanding. The ethics of species proposed by Habermas sounds morally reactive, insofar as his critique does not manage to encompass the metaphysical features which are at the core of liberal eugenics discourse. This paper is divided into two moments: the current echoing in Habermas’ work of the motif of the alleged colonization of the lifeworld by technological reason, and a demonstration of how his conception of technique which underlies such a perspective prevents him of envisaging the critique of the metaphysical aspects of contemporary genetic culture. Keywords Jürgen Habermas, genetic culture, paradigm information, science and lifeworld, discourse ethics 


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Paolo Bartoloni

The Italian poet Dante Alighieri (1265–1321) is invoked several times in the work of Giorgio Agamben, often in passing to stress a point, as when discussing the political relevance of désoeuvrement (KG 246); to develop a thought, as in the articulation of the medieval idea of imagination as the medium between body and soul (S, especially 127–9); or to explain an idea, as in the case of the artistic process understood as the meeting of contradictory forces such as inspiration and critical control (FR, especially 48–50). So while Agamben does not engage with Dante systematically, he refers to him constantly, treating the Florentine poet as an auctoritas whose presence adds critical rigour and credibility. Identifying and relating the instances of these encounters is useful since they highlight central aspects of Agamben’s thought and its development over the years, from the first writings, such as Stanzas, to more recent texts, such as Il fuoco e il racconto and The Use of Bodies. The significance of Agamben’s reliance on Dante can be divided into two categories: the aesthetic and the political. The following discussion will address each of these categories separately, but will also emphasise the philosophical continuity that links the discussion of the aesthetic with that of the political. While in the first instance Dante is offered as an example of poetic innovation, especially in relation to the use of language and imagination, in the second he is invoked as a forerunner of new forms of life. Mediality and potentiality are the two pivots connecting the aesthetic and the political.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


Author(s):  
Alan L. Mittleman

This chapter moves into the political and economic aspects of human nature. Given scarcity and interdependence, what sense has Judaism made of the material well-being necessary for human flourishing? What are Jewish attitudes toward prosperity, market relations, labor, and leisure? What has Judaism had to say about the political dimensions of human nature? If all humans are made in the image of God, what does that original equality imply for political order, authority, and justice? In what kinds of systems can human beings best flourish? It argues that Jewish tradition shows that we act in conformity with our nature when we elevate, improve, and sanctify it. As co-creators of the world with God, we are not just the sport of our biochemistry. We are persons who can select and choose among the traits that comprise our very own natures, cultivating some and weeding out others.


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