scholarly journals Euroscepticism and Traditions of Nationalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Zekeriya Alperen Bedirhan ◽  
Ugur Ozgoker

The European Union and its member states are in the effect of populism and its catalyzer populist parties. Most of populist parties are the right-wing parties and their politic discourses can be called nationalist. In this study, relations between tradition of nationalism within the context of its historic roots and in the current use, and Euroscepticism will be examined. European identity will be discussed as an important integration factor and populist parties of the European zone will be analyzed with internal and external factors.

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilal Lotfi ◽  
Mohamed Karim

<p>The term competitiveness is a relative concept whose perception changes with the level of conducted analysis (nation, sector, company). Thus, a variety of internal and external factors can have deep effects on the competitiveness of a given entity. This paper aims to evaluate the competitiveness of Moroccan exports by identifying the main determinants that explain their performance. This is particularly dealing with the impact of customs’ tariff, the tariff of import, foreign demand, the share of the non-residents in the capital of domestic enterprises and the investment rate compared to the value of exporters.</p><p>Moreover, this paper presents a literature review on competitiveness and examines the main results of our econometric analysis regarding the determinants of export competitiveness applied to the top ten branches most exporters in Morocco. The gained results allow confirming the sensitivity of exports by branch to the situation of Morocco’s main trading partner namely the European Union while emphasizing, quantitatively, on the role played by the investment effort undertaken by Moroccan exporting companies in improving the competitiveness of national exports.</p>


Author(s):  
Ljupcho Stevkovski

It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-46
Author(s):  
O. M. Rym

The article deals with certain aspects of collective labour rights in the European Union. Prerequisites and procedure of this rights guaranting as general principles of EU law are analyzed and their content is characterized. It is emphasized that such legal establishing took place somewhat haphazardly, both at the level of the acts of primary and secondary law of the European Union and in the case law. As a result, there is no single position on the spectrum of collective labour rights as principles of EU labor law. The author focuses on significant changes in the understanding of the necessity of cooperation of social partners and the extension of their interaction at the supranational level. It is under the responsibility of the European Commission to promote cooperation between Member States and to facilitate coordination of their activities in the field of the right of association and collective bargaining between employers and employees. The article clarifies the content of collective labour rights as general principles of EU law on the basis of EU legal acts, the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, as well as the scientific works of domestic and foreign scholars. It is noted that the system of collective labour rights, as general principles of EU labour law, consists of the right of collective bargaining and collective action, the right of employees to information and consultation within the enterprise, as well as the freedom of assembly and association. It is concluded that the necessity of cooperation between the social partners is recognized as one of the foundations of EU labour law. Herewith appropriate interaction is ensured through the normative-legal consolidation of collective labour rights and procedures for their implementation. After all, European Union legal acts allow employees and employers’ representatives to play an active role in regulating labour legal relations. For example, Member States may instruct employers and employees, upon their joint request, to implement Council directives or decisions. In addition, many directives contain warnings about the possibility of derogating from their provisions through the adoption of a collective agreement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Sara Duodu

In 2005, Turkey entered into negotiations for membership with the European Union. Turkey has been an important strategic ally to the European Union in the Middle East, explaining the mutual desire for closer ties between the two. While these negotiations showed promise early on, it has become increasingly apparent that Turkish accession to the European Union will not come easily, if at all. Officially, the European Union cites Turkey’s shortcomings on issues such as human rights as the reason for the stall in negotiations. However, upon closer inspection, it is evident that there is more at play, particularly as the European Union has been inconsistent in their approach to addressing human rights violations. Member states such as Poland and Hungary, which have recent human rights violations, have not faced the same kind of condemnation that Turkey has from the leaders of the European Union. The reality is that the European Union is largely united by its shared Europeanness and Christianity. As a result, due to questions over Turkey’s Europeanness and its large Muslim majority, the European Union is apprehensive to afford it full membership. It can be said that the European Union has maintained that Turkish accession is still possible in order to continue reaping the strategic benefits from close relations with Turkey.


2020 ◽  
pp. 470-506
Author(s):  
Marios Costa ◽  
Steve Peers

This chapter examines the provisions of European Union (EU) law concerning economic rights provided by Articles 45, 49 and 56 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), concerning workers, establishment and services respectively. It discusses the Court of Justice’s (CJ) interpretation and its impact on Member States’ ability to regulate the right to trade within their own territory, as well as regulatory competition between Member States. The chapter discusses the harmonization of qualifications (including the Qualifications Directive), the free movement of lawyers and the Services Directive.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Saila Heinikoski

This article discusses how the right to free movement within the European Union is presented as a matter of obligation, a duty of the other EU member states, in the discourse of Romanian Presidents and Prime Ministers (2005–2015). An examination of speeches and other statements from these politicians illuminates Romanian political reactions during the period when Romania became an EU member state, and reflects perceptions of Europeanness and European agreements. These issues take on an additional contemporary significance in the context of the Brexit negotiations, and they also add to the broader debate on whether EU norms and obligations are seen as being both just and equally applied. By analysing different types of argumentative topoi, I examine the deontological (obligation-based) argumentation employed in the free movement context. Furthermore, I examine to what extent these arguments are invoked in support of the right to free movement and who this right applies to. I argue that for Romanian politicians, deontological free movement arguments are connected to other states’ compliance with European treaties and to demands for equal application of European rules without discrimination, or the delegation of responsibility to others. This manifested itself most frequently in the calls for the EU and its member states to do their duty by treating Romanians equally to other EU citizens.


Author(s):  
Maciej Mróz

The previous model of the Polish-Ukrainian relations has come to an end, while the new one is in the phase of statu nascendi. The fundamental contradiction of the basic interests of Kiev and Warsaw has worked out and is still relevant up to date. While Ukraine is looking for ways to integrate with the EU and needs a strong Europe, putting on Paris and Berlin, and thus ipso facto focusing on strengthening the European community, Poland has entered the path of euro-skepticism and quasi-Jagiellonian policy. The concept of a good change has triggered the most serious reorientation in foreign policy of Poland over the last quarter of a century. The amazement of the outside observers, also in Ukraine, might be aroused by the fact that Polish Eastern policy has been pursued by the same circle of experts under the previous government of the PO–PSL coalition as well as under the current government of the PiS-led united right. After several years of the right-wing rule the Ukrainian analysts see the growing degradation process of Poland’s significance in Europe, its increasing confrontational tendencies towards countries outside the European Union, including relations with Ukraine. Primarily, it is a political dimension, though, it can be perceived also as a symbolic dimension and symbols mean a lot in politics. Key words: Poland; Ukraine; European Union; NATO; United States of America; Russian Federation; Intermarium; Germany.


Author(s):  
Ivana Tucak ◽  
Anita Blagojević

The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

This chapter first offers narratives introducing actors in the book’s major case studies. In India, these include members of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which has sought to enlist global allies to press the Indian government for stronger action against caste discrimination, and its critics in the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. The right-wing populist UK Independence Party’s aims for British secession from the European Union are highlighted, as are its claims that the prospect of European Union accession for predominantly Muslim Turkey is a chief reason why Britain should leave. The Turkish case is introduced via street scenes of activists confronting police amid the country’s rising authoritarianism. Then the chapter outlines the book’s major claims for how a robust institutional cosmopolitanism can be shown to orient to political humility rather than arrogance. Variants of cosmopolitanism are discussed, and the book’s argument is previewed by chapter.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Voloshyn ◽  
◽  
Nataliia Mushak ◽  

The purpose of the article is to highlight key issues related to the deportation and eviction ofthird-country nationals from the Member States of the European Union.The article covers the key issues related to the deportation and expulsion of third-country nationalsfrom the European Union’s member states. The research determines that within the European Union most of the issues related to the deportation and expulsion of third-country nationals fromthe EU territory and EU member states are classified as a common immigration policy.The study used a set of methods that defined its purpose and objectives. The authors used acomplex of general scientific and special scientific methods. The dialectical method of cognitionwas used in the analysis of legal relations that are developed within the EU and are in conditionsof continuous development and improvement. The historical and legal method provided anopportunity to investigate the practice of deportation by states at different stages of EU lawdevelopment. The comparative and legal method was used in comparison with the conditions ofdeportation in different European countries.The results of the article are determined by key provisions regulating the issue of deportationand eviction, which serve as legal measures in the fight against the EU and its member states withillegal migration.It has been established that deportation and expulsion serve as legal measures in the fight againstthe EU and its member states with illegal migration. It is emphasized that among the effectivemeans of combating illegal immigrants is the adoption by both the European Union and its MemberStates of the readmission agreements with third countries, which provide for the procedure ofsimplifying the return of persons who do not have legal grounds for staying in the territory of anEU member state, to the country of origin or transit, as well as solving problems related to thereturn procedure, formalizing the effective process of returning persons and preventing problemsin this in the field.The conclusions highlight that in most European countries, the issues of deportation and expulsionare regulated solely on the basis of national legislation, taking into account the standards andnorms of EU law. A number of documents that determine a safe third country have been analyzed.A safe third country is a country that guarantees the right of third-country nationals to apply forasylum.The research analyses the legal instruments of the European Union, which guarantee the right toasylum and provides for compliance with the principle of non-adoption. It is stated that no onecan be expelled or extradited to a state in which there is a serious danger that such a person maybe given a death penalty.There are legal grounds for non-resettlement, and individuals cannot be tortured or punished.


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