RUSSIAN REALIA IN SPANISH VERSION OF THE POLITICAL DETECTIVE STORY “THE STOLEN DREAM” WRITTEN BY A. MARININA

Author(s):  
Elena Vladimirovna Erofeeva
2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 370-377
Author(s):  
Rebeca Cepas González ◽  
Paula Ruiz-Zorrilla Blanco ◽  
Francisco Gil ◽  
Mirko Antino

Introducción: El inventario de habilidades políticas (PSI, siglas en inglés) es una medida para calibrar cuatro dimensiones relacionadas con este constructo: la astucia social, la capacidad de influencia interpersonal, la habilidad para establecer contactos y la sinceridad aparente (Ferris, 2005). Método: En el presente estudio, multi-muestra y multi-método, sendos análisis factorial exploratorio y confirmatorio se han llevado a cabo para desarrollar y testar las propiedades psicométricas de la versión española del PSI. Adicionalmente, se llevó a cabo un test de fiabilidad longitudinal y un análisis de invarianza relativo al género. Resultados: Los índices alpha de Cronbach y omega revelaron un grado de fiabilidad satisfactoria. El análisis factorial exploratorio extrajo los cuatro factores de la versión original, tal y como ya ha sido reportado en otros estudios (N = 309). El análisis factorial confirmatorio confirmó que el ajuste de dicha estructura fue el mejor frente a los datos (N = 248). Conclusiones: Con este estudio se añade evidencia al estudio de la invarianza de género y la estabilidad temporal de esta medida, mostrando que la versión española del PSI puede ser considerada una medida estable y válida a través del tiempo y relativa al género. Background: The Political Skills Inventory (PSI) is a measurement tool for assessing four dimensions associated with political skills: social astuteness, interpersonal influence, networking ability and apparent sincerity (Ferris, 2005). Method: In the present study, multi-sample and multi-method, we developed and analyzed the psychometric properties of the Spanish version of the (PSI), by performing both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. Additionally, a longitudinal reliability test and a sex factorial invariance test were performed. Results: Cronbach's alpha and omega indices revealed satisfactory reliability and exploratory factor analyses extracted the four original factors as reported in other studies (N = 309). Confirmatory factorial analyses confirmed that the four-factor solution presented the best fit to our data (N = 248). Conclusions: We add new evidence for time and sex invariance of the measure, showing that the PSI can be considered a stable and valid measure over time and across sex.


1979 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-123
Author(s):  
Heinrich Richard Falk

The recorded history of the Spanish theatre has been, in large measure, a history of the Madrid stage. Madrid, like London and Paris, was not only the political center of its nation, but also its cultural capital. Performers and playwrights may have served enforced periods of apprenticeship in the provinces (the example of Molière comes to mind), but success in the capital remained a constant goal. Historians of the theatre in Spain have tended to follow the lead of the actors in fixing their attention almost exclusively on Madrid. N. D. Shergold's A History of the Spanish Stage becomes primarily a history of the Madrid stage after his chronicle moves from medieval times to the establishment of the first public theatres in late sixteenth-century Madrid. René Andioc's study of the eighteenth-century Spanish theatre, Sur la querelle du théâtre au temps de Leandro Fernández de Moratín (Theatrical Polemics in the Time of Moratin), is almost entirely about the theatre in Madrid, a fact recognized in the title of the Spanish version, Teatro y sociedad en el Madrid del siglo XVIII (Theatre and Society in Eighteenth-Century Madrid). Many additional examples could be cited from the Golden Age to the present of historians purporting to study the Spanish theatre, but in reality considering only the Madrid theatre.


Panoptikum ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Katarina Mišikova

The non-existence or deficiency in the production of popular genres in the history of Slovak cinema after the split from Czech Republic in 1993 has been a much discussed subject in the Slovak filmmaking community. It is a common belief among both filmmakers and film critics, that due to the lack of popular genre traditions and financial difficulties of film production, Slovak cinema is not able to attract domestic audiences and is primarily focused on the arthouse and festival circuit. This overt simplification, however, has in recent years been challenged by the emergence of several films that introduced generic novelties into Slovak cinema. The paper deals with two major representatives of this popular genre upheaval that were successful at the box office: the political thriller Candidate (2013) by Jonaš Karasek and the detective story The Red Captain (2016) by Michal Kollar. Both films are literary adaptations touching upon the subject of continuity of the communist regime after the democratic turn in 1989. Although not unanimously critically praised, they both gained considerable attention thanks to presenting an alternative to the realistic arthouse social drama trend of Slovak fiction film. The text examines innovations that these films introduced into popular genre discourse of Slovak cinema by concentrating on prominent storytelling and stylistic techniques derived mainly from mainstream popular cinema and offer some preliminary thoughts on reasons underlying their successful reception among domestic audiences.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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