Kościół katolicki wobec parlamentaryzmu II Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie nauczania społecznego kardynała Stefana Adama Sapiehy

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Mateusz Kępa
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Catholic Church

The purpose of this article is to describe the relationship between parliamentarism and the social teaching of the Catholic Church, with a special emphasis on pastoral, social and political activities of cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha. The system of parliamentary government is a system of government in which the legislative authority in the form of parliament passes laws and controls the executive authority, which is wielded by the president together with the government. An important aspect of this system of government is the interpenetration of these two authorities and their mutual complementing, which is evident even in the possibility of bringing forward bills by the executive. The view of the parliamentary system held by cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha was based on the social attitude which was represented by the Christian Democrats. The political system accepted by the Christian Democrats was democracy, which very clearly demonstrates all positive forms of local government’s actions and the principle of subsidiarity. The basis of this assumption is that it is on the lowest levels of society where the common good based on social solidarity can be realized. The Archbishop of Krakow perceived the political, social and economic issues through the prism of the Catholic Church. He believed that the task of the state is to protect society against the moral decay of anti-Christian totalitarian systems. According to Sapieha, the state should act as a servant in relation to the nation. The Metropolitan claimed also that the vision of the relationship between social ranks, contrary to the socialist vision, was not burdened with a conflict. Sapieha saw the danger of drastic social inequality, but definitely spoke out against socialist and communist solutions. The cardinal emphasized the accent which should be laid on the development of all forms of civic government. So the ideal state is a decentralized state, in which citizens, due to rights and activities taken up by themselves, have an influence over the governments. According to Sapieha, a democratic state of law should respect political pluralism based on the principle of subsidiarity and justice, as well as sovereignty, and above all – the principle of parliamentary majority.

scholarly journals Postulowany model wspólnoty oraz dobra wspólnego w publikacjach katolickiego tygodnika społecznego „Ład” w latach 1981–1984

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Agata Tasak ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Social ◽  
Media Platform ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Catholic Church

The paper focuses on the analyses of the socio-political concepts presented in the Catholic social weekly “Ład” in the years 1981–1984. In the period under question, the periodical was a media platform which enabled the expression of views by lay Catholics who perceived opportunities for increasing their socio-political activity in the political reality of Poland at that time. The model of community proposed by them, as well as the way of defining the common good, were for the most part consistent with the concepts of the social teaching of the Catholic Church and conformed to the guidelines of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Poland – especially Primate Stefan Wyszyński. The calls to action for the common good were combined with the idea of reconciliation, dialogue, and cooperation. Accordingly, the national community was thus considered the most important community of all. It should be emphasized that these concepts were supposed to enhance the power and importance of this particualt community of Catholics in public life and to contribute to establishing their position as the most important representative of the Catholics on the political scene of the period.

scholarly journals The Mission of the Catholic Church for the State in the Discourse of “Gosc Niedzielny” during Poland’s Interwar Period

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 188
Author(s):  
Rafał Śpiewak ◽  
Wiktor Widera
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Level Of Involvement ◽  
Historical Reflection ◽  
The Catholic Church

The essence of the Catholic Church implemented in the modern world is of crucial importance for the understanding its mission towards the state, especially when developing appropriate civil attitudes. One sources of cognition is the historical reflection made on an analytical basis of Catholic media content. This article presents the discourse analysis of Gość Niedzielny (i.e., Sunday Guest), which was one of the most important Catholic publications in Poland, during the reconstruction of the Polish statehood. The pro-state mission of the Catholic Church was an expression of responsibility for common good, was nonpartisan and was connected with the promotion of values that condition the social order. It was believed that the condition of the state is determined by the moral form of its citizens and their level of involvement in social life. Christian values were though to secure and protect also the good of non-Catholic citizens. Here, the research and discourse analysis allows us to define the conclusions regarding contemporary relations between Church and the state in Poland. The key thoughts included in the publications of Sunday Guest, have contemporary application and their message is extremely up-to-date.

scholarly journals GEOGRAFIA POLÍTICA E O SETOR MINERAL: as proposições legislativas que impactam a gestão dos territórios com mineração no estado do Pará – 2011 a 2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conflicts Of Interests ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Mineral Sector ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
The Government

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.

Protest and Religion: Christianity in the People’s Republic of China

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu Tao
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
The State ◽  
Academic Disciplines ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Contemporary China ◽  
Protestant Church ◽  
Protestant Churches ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Catholic Church

The relationship between religion and protest has been thoroughly discussed in various academic disciplines of social sciences, but there is far from consensus on the topic. Scholars differ significantly in their opinions on how religious values and doctrines shape the mechanisms which link protest and religion, and on how interaction between religious groups, the state, and other secular and religious groups may increase or reduce the likelihood of protests. Contemporary China provides an ideal setting in which to further advance scholarly understanding of roles that religion plays in protest, thanks to its richness, diversity, and complexity of religion, protest, and their relationship. In contemporary China, due to the inherent, profound, and possibly deliberate ambiguities within the state’s legal and regulatory arrangements on religious affairs, the boundaries between government-sanctioned churches and “underground” churches are often blurred. Many Christianity-related protests directly respond to government crackdowns, which are aimed not only at those congregations and groups that are normally considered as “underground,” “unofficial,” or “independent,” but also at churches that have long been tolerated or even officially recognized by the state. Further, while many Christianity-related protests are closely associated with the clash of ideologies in contemporary China, the specific causes of protests differ significantly among Catholic and Protestant churches, and Christian-inspired groups. The ideological incompatibility between the ruling Communist Party and the Catholic Church in China is epitomized by their struggle for authority and influence over the Chinese Catholic community. Until the provisional agreement signed between Beijing and the Vatican in September 2018, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Holy See had been competing fiercely for the authority to approve the ordination of new bishops, with such confrontations triggering numerous protests among Chinese Catholics. Unlike the Catholic Church, many of the Protestant churches that have emerged in the post-Mao era—including most “house” churches that do not affiliate with the state-sanctioned church—have no direct link with the transnational denominations which were active in China before the communist takeover in 1949 and are operated solely by Chinese citizens. However, while many Chinese Protestants display affection toward China and a sense of responsibility for improving their country, some influential Protestant church leaders have turned their progressive theology into social activism since the turn of the 21st century, leading to various forms of protests against the authoritarian policies and politics in contemporary China. Ideological and theological conflicts between different religions or religious schools may also trigger the Chinese state’s suppression of certain religious groups and activities, which often in turn cause protests. In particular, the Communist Party tends to impose extremely harsh repercussions on religious groups that are accused by mainstream Christianity of being “heterodoxies,” like the Shouters and the Disciples. These religious groups are often labelled as “evil cults” and their leaders and members often face legal action or even criminal charges. The protests organized by these religious groups have not only targeted the government but also the mainstream Christian churches that criticize them from a theological point of view. Given the profound ideological and political incompatibility of the CCP and various Christian groups, it is unlikely that Christianity can replicate the close collaborations that Buddhism and Daoism have developed with the CCP since the early 1980s.

scholarly journals THE DYNAMIC OF CACI MULTIFUNCTION IN MANGGARAI ETHNIC NOWADAYS

2020 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Karolus Budiman Jama ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Ketut Ardhana ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Local People ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

Manggaraian ethnic has a special art named Caci. The art holds and became an identity of the whole of Manggaraian. The art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. In its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. The art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in Mangggarai.  This research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. The research was done in Manggaraian ethnic of Flores. Every Caci performance has its own unique ideology. The ideology goes behind the cultural Caci performance is the ideology of fertility. The ideology goes behind the government interest of Caci performance is capitalism economy and political power.  The church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. Keywords: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity

Rothschilds’ “Delicate and Difficult Task”: Reputation, Political Instability, and the Brazilian Rescue Loans of the 1890s

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.

A ELEVAÇÃO DO HOMEM RURAL: institutos de educação rural e a cooperação da Misereor

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (23) ◽  
pp. 80-104
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS ORESTES FRANZEN
Keyword(s):  
Rural Education ◽  
Rural Area ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
Social Position ◽  
The State ◽  
Rio Grande Do Sul ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Catholic Church

 O artigo analisa a gênese de implantação dos Institutos de Educação Rural no Rio Grande do Sul através da cooperação da Misereor na década de 1970. A proposta é de correlacionar realidades locais diante de uma conjuntura mais abrangente que condicionou a postura social da Igreja Católica bem como influenciou nas demandas do espaço rural do estado. Defende-se a ideia de que os Institutos de Educação Rural representaram uma proposta de modernização da agricultura sob a tutela do catolicismo.  Palavras-chave: Misereor. Catolicismo. FAG. Instituto de Educação Rural.THE ELEVATION OF RURAL MAN:  institutes of rural education and the cooperation of MisereorAbstract: The article analyzes the genesis of implantation of the Institutes of Rural Education in Rio Grande do Sul through the cooperation of Misereor in the 1970s. The proposal is to correlate local realities in the face of a more extensive context that conditioned the social position of the Catholic Church as well as influenced the demands of the rural area of the state. It ´s defended the idea that the Institutes of Rural Education represented a proposal of modernization of the agriculture under the tutelage of the Catholicism.Keywords: Misereor. Catholicism. FAG. Institut of Rural Education.LA ELEVACIÓN DEL HOMBRE RURAL:  institutos de educación rural y la cooperación de Misereor  Resumen: El artá­culo analiza la génesis de la aplicación de los Institutos de Educación Rural en Rio Grande do Sul a través de la cooperación de Misereor en la década de 1970. La propuesta consiste en correlacionar las realidades locales que enfrentan un contexto más amplio que condicionó la posición social de la Iglesia Católica e influyó en las demandas de espacio de estado rural. Se defiende la idea de que los Institutos de Educación Rural representaban una propuesta de modernización de la agricultura bajo la tutela del catolicismo.Palabras clave: Misereor. Catolicismo. FAG. Instituto de Educación Rural.

scholarly journals U misiji Sv. Stolice kod Ante Pavelića i Josipa Broza Tita

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
Ante Delić
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Daily Basis ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Catholic Church

The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.

Closing Comment: “Personal Enemies of God: Anticlericals and Anticlericalism in Revolutionary Mexico, 1915-1940”

2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Blancarte
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Closing Comment ◽  
The Catholic Church

In a contribution made some time ago, I stressed the diversity of factors which came together in the anticlerical constitutional articles and paragraphs that were approved during the Constituent Congress at Querétaro of 1916-17. The first of these factors—I argued—was the not unreasonable belief held by many Mexican revolutionaries that the Catholic Church had collaborated with the government of the military usurper, Victoriano Huerta, in 1913-14. In this regard, the political participation of the National Catholic Party had also been decisive in influencing anticlerical opinion.

(Re)Placing the State: Family, Law and Oppression

1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (01) ◽  
pp. 39-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan B. Boyd
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Same Sex Couples ◽  
Heterosexual Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Explicit Analysis ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractIn this article I argue that an analysis of “the State” is necessary in order to understand legal developments related to “family” that are relevant to efforts to combat the oppression of heterosexual women, as well as of lesbians and gay men. Drawing on recent debates concerning postmodernism and feminist theory, I review efforts to reconceptualize the nature of the state not as a monolithic institution, but rather as a set of arenas, or the site of various discursive formations. Because laws are generated from within, but are only part of, concentrated forms of state power, feminists and progressive groups that are engaging with law must retain an explicit analysis of the state. This analysis must be more nuanced and displaced than it has been in instrumentalist and structuralist accounts, in order to explore the ways in which feminists have influenced legal change and whether this influence is positive or negative for different groups. The limits on law's ability to fundamentally transform the social relations of oppression must however be recognized. In particular, the relationship between overall state trends—for example privatization—and trends specific to certain state arenas such as courts and legislatures—for example enhanced women's rights to men's property and increased legal recognition of same sex couples—must be traced in order to determine the political impact of seemingly progressive movements in areas related to “the family”.

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