scholarly journals When Silence Said Everything

Lateral ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Carter

Reading X González’s, March 24, 2018, “March For Our Lives” speech—her words and silences—as an entry point into what I term a crip theory of trauma, this essay argues that the dominant narratives about and around Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) say more about the compulsivity of the “proper” citizen subject than they do the actual embodied experience and debilitation of trauma itself. The text reconceptualizes trauma narratives, like González’s, through critical disability studies to argue that certain cripistemologies—or crip ways of knowing—trauma arise that are not otherwise available or readily accessible. Most notably, by rejecting dominant pathologizing forces and embracing crip ways of knowing, this analysis brings forth a new working definition of trauma, as an embodied, affective structure. These ways of knowing offer crucial insights for efforts to grapple with the ongoing forms of trauma enacted and perpetuated across the globe, and are particularly urgent against a political and cultural landscape that, as my reading of González’s speech makes clear, in many ways refuses to hear, see, and learn from the knowledge that trauma produces.

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy K. Westerman ◽  
Vanessa E. Cobham ◽  
Brett McDermott

Repeated retelling of trauma narratives within Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT) assists participants to habituate to experiences that have precipitated symptoms of post-traumatic stress. In this study, the narratives produced by children and adolescents, who developed post-traumatic stress disorder following a natural disaster, and who were treated with a manualized TF-CBT intervention, were examined. The first author developed a coding system utilizing three major concepts (coherence, elaboration, and evaluation) to identify changes in the narratives as they were retold at each therapeutic session. Analysis using this coding system identified that the internal logic of the stories was maintained as the detail diminished, and that the level of evaluation increased. Compression emerged as a major pattern, alongside the reduction in participant distress over the course of the treatment. Although requiring replication, these trial concepts, developed by the coding system, have potential analyzing trauma narratives and enhancing clinician observations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Pirard ◽  
Thierry Baubet ◽  
Yvon Motreff ◽  
Gabrielle Rabet ◽  
Maude Marillier ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The use of mental health supports by populations exposed to terrorist attacks is rarely studied despite their need for psychotrauma care. This article focuses on civilians exposed to the November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris and describes the different combinations of mental health supports (MHSu) used in the following year according to type of exposure and type of mental health disorder (MHD). Methods Santé publique France conducted a web-based survey of civilians 8–11 months after their exposure to the November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris. All 454 respondents met criterion A of the DSM-5 definition of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). MHD (anxiety, depression, PTSD) were assessed using the PCL-5 checklist and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale. MHSu provided were grouped under outreach psychological support, visits for psychological difficulties to a victims’ or victim support association, consultation with a general practitioner (GP), consultation with a psychiatrist or psychologist (specialist), and initiation of regular mental health treatment (RMHT). Chi-squared tests highlighted differences in MHSu use according to type of exposure (directly threatened, witnessed, indirectly exposed) and MHD. Phi coefficients and joint tabulations were employed to analyse combinations of MHSu use. Results Two-thirds of respondents used MHSu in the months following the attacks. Visits to a specialist and RMHT were more frequent than visits to a GP (respectively, 39, 33, 17%). These were the three MHSu most frequently used among people with PTSD (46,46,23%), with depression (52,39,20%), or with both (56,58, 33%). Witnesses with PTSD were more likely not to have RMHT than those directly threatened (respectively, 65,35%). Outreach support (35%) and visiting an association (16%) were both associated with RMHT (Phi = 0.20 and 0.38, respectively). Very few (1%) respondents initiated RMHT directly. Those who indirectly initiated it (32%) had taken one or more intermediate steps. Visiting a specialist, not a GP, was the most frequent of these steps. Conclusion Our results highlight possibilities for greater coordination of mental health care after exposure to terrorist attacks including involving GP for screening and referral, and associations to promote targeted RMHT. They also indicate that greater efforts should be made to follow witnesses.


2002 ◽  
Vol 181 (5) ◽  
pp. 433-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alastair M. Hull ◽  
David A. Alexander ◽  
Susan Klein

BackgroundThe long-term psychological effects of surviving a major disaster are poorly understood. We undertook a survey of survivors of the Piper Alpha oil platform disaster (1988).AimsTo examine the role of factors relating to the trauma, the survivors and the survivors' circumstances.MethodTen years after the disaster, 78% (46/59) of the survivors were located, of whom 72% (33/46) agreed to be interviewed. A further three individuals completed postal measures.ResultsThe most stringent diagnostic criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were met by 21% (7/33) of the survivors over 10 years after the disaster. Features such as physical injury, personal experience and survivor guilt were associated with significantly higher levels of post-traumatic symptoms.ConclusionsA narrow definition of factors affecting outcome will limit the potential for improving survivor well-being in the long-term after major disasters. Specific symptoms that are not included in the criteria for the diagnosis of PTSD, together with issues such as re-employment, need to be addressed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
Marina Ruxandra Oțelea ◽  
Oana Cristina Arghir ◽  
Raluca Constantin ◽  
Agripina Rașcu

AbstractThe definition of COVID-19 as occupational disease follows the investigation of any other occupational disease caused by an infectious agent. The risk is not equal for all occupations and the occupational physician has to assess the working conditions to conclude a diagnosis of occupational COVID-19. In the pandemic context, employees face also other occupational hazards. The high level of work load and the scarce resources lead to stress, physical and mental exhaustion and irregular sleep. The protection measures, of undisputable benefit, increase the risk for contact dermatitis. There is a high probability for medium and possible long term effects of COVID-19, such as the post-traumatic stress disorder or the respiratory sequelae. These consequences need to be acknowledged and properly manged by the medical team taking care of the patient. This review presents the main characteristics of the occupational related disorders during and after the current pandemia.


Author(s):  
David Trickey ◽  
Dora Black

This chapter will focus on the impact on children of traumatic events other than child abuse or neglect, which are covered in Chapter 9.3.3. According to the DSM-IV-TR definition of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), traumatic events involve exposure to actual or threatened death or injury, or a threat to physical integrity. The child's response generally involves an intense reaction of fear, horror, or helplessness which may be exhibited through disorganized or agitated behaviour. Terr suggested separating traumatic events into type I traumas which are single sudden events and type II traumas which are long-standing or repeated events. If the traumatic event includes bereavement, the reactions may be complicated and readers should consult Chapter 9.3.7 to address the bereavement aspects of the event. Following a traumatic event, children may react in a variety of ways (see Chapters 4.6.1 and 4.6.2 for the adult perspective on reactions to stressful and traumatic events). Many show some of the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder—re-experiencing the event (e.g. through nightmares, flashbacks, intrusive thoughts, re-enactment, or repetitive play of the event), avoidance and numbing (e.g. avoidance of conversations, thoughts, people, places, and activities associated with the traumatic event, inability to remember a part of the event, withdrawal from previously enjoyed activities, feeling different from others, restriction of emotions, sense of foreshortened future), and physiological arousal (e.g. sleep disturbance, irritability, concentration problems, being excessively alert to further danger, and being more jumpy). In young children the nightmares may become general nightmares rather than trauma-specific. Other reactions to trauma in children are: ♦ becoming tearful and upset or depressed ♦ becoming clingy to carers or having separation anxiety ♦ becoming quiet and withdrawn ♦ becoming aggressive ♦ feeling guilty ♦ acquiring low self-esteem ♦ deliberately self-harming ♦ acquiring eating problems ♦ feeling as if they knew it was going to happen ♦ developing sleep disturbances such as night-terrors or sleepwalking ♦ dissociating or appearing ‘spaced out’ ♦ losing previously acquired developmental abilities or regression ♦ developing physical symptoms such as stomach aches and headaches ♦ acquiring difficulties remembering new information ♦ developing attachment problems ♦ acquiring new fears ♦ developing problems with alcohol or drugs. Such problems may individually or in combination cause substantial difficulties at school and at home. The reactions of some children will diminish over time; however, for some they will persist, causing distress or impairment, warranting diagnosis, and/or intervention. Research predicting which children will be more likely to be distressed following a traumatic event suffers from a number of methodological flaws. However, factors which are often identified as constituting a risk for developing PTSD across a number of studies include: level of exposure, perceived level of threat and peri-traumatic fear, previous psychological problems, family difficulties, co-morbid diagnoses, subsequent life events, and lack of social support.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Ruslan Vasitovich Kadyrov ◽  
Veronika Vladimirovna Venger

The goal of this article is to summarize and systematize the works of foreign researchers dedicated to psychotherapy of the complex post-traumatic stress disorder. For achieving the set goal, the author carries out a theoretical review of foreign literature on the topic, as well as the analysis of recent foreign research and their summary. Modern living conditions led to increase in the number of people with complex post-traumatic stress disorder, which actualized the problem of seeking effective psychological aid and psychotherapy for this category of people. The author reveals several scientifically proven effective methods of non-pharmaceutical treatment of complex post-traumatic stress disorder, including cognitive behavioral therapy, eye movement desensitization and reprocessing, as well as body-oriented therapy and art therapy, which are equally as effective. It is determined that currently that the number one treatment for complex post-traumatic stress disorder is the phase trauma-oriented approach that includes creation of safe environment, stabilization, and mitigation of symptoms; confrontation, analysis and integration of traumatic memories; integration of mental trauma experience, and rehabilitation of the consequences of complex post-traumatic stress disorder. The combination of individual and group work that produces most effective results in therapy is relevant in dealing with complex post-traumatic stress disorder.


Author(s):  
Keng Chuan Soh ◽  
◽  
Maryam Ejareh dar ◽  

The traumatic event is a core requirement in the diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), and is defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual’s (DSM’s) criteria of PTSD as Criterion A. This remains the case, despite opposing views from prior literature that the trauma response can occur without Criterion A. This article explores a definition for psychological trauma, from its etymology to a historical perspective, before examining the evolution of PTSD’s Criterion A across time in various editions of the DSM. The concept of moral injury is also examined, in terms of its correlation with psychological trauma and its impact on the pathological trauma response. A case series of vignettes from the authors’ clinical experience is presented, where PTSD symptoms have been noted in the absence of Criterion A. This is supplemented by the authors’ analyses about how the various life adversities across the cases fall short of Criterion A. Two key features (the imminence of a perceived threat, and the perceived loss of control experienced as a result) of a traumatic event are proposed to refine the definition of psychological trauma. It is hoped that these would serve to improve the current understanding and definition of psychological trauma. Keywords: Psychological trauma; Traumatic event; PTSD.


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. BRESLAU ◽  
G. A. CHASE ◽  
J. C. ANTHONY

The official definition of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in DSM-III and is subsequent DSM editions is based on a conceptual model that brackets traumatic or catastrophic events from less severe stressors and links them with a specific syndrome. The diagnosis of PTSD requires an identifiable stressor and the content of the defining symptoms refers to the stressor, for example, re-experiencing the stressor and avoidance of stimuli that symbolize the stressor. Temporal ordering is also required: when sleep problems and other symptoms of hyperarousal are part of the clinical picture, they must not have been present before the stressor occurred. The ICD-10 definition of PTSD follows the same model. The defining symptoms alone, without a connection to the stressor, are not regarded as PTSD (Green et al. 1995). Since the introduction of PTSD in DSM-III, the official definition has been adopted in most studies, although discussions about the validity of the definition has continued (Breslau & Davis, 1987; Davidson & Foa, 1993; Green et al. 1995). Although it is widely believed that other disorders (e.g. major depression) can be precipitated by external events, these disorders can occur independent of stressors and do not require a link with a traumatic event in their diagnostic criteria. Previous classifications that separated major depression into stress-related (reactive) or endogenous have been abandoned in newer versions of the DSM, because of lack of evidence of the validity of this distinction.


2020 ◽  
pp. 57-61
Author(s):  
Elena Menzul ◽  
Natalya Ryazantseva ◽  
Larisa Karaseva

Theoretical significance of the research is represented by the definition of peculiarities related to impairment of adaptive capabilities in individuals who arrived from war zones; practical significance lies in the data obtained in the course of research – they allow to plan psycho-correction for the wounded and affected people from the war zone.


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