scholarly journals PENATAAN ULANG KEWENANGAN PENYIDIKAN DAN PENUNTUTAN DALAM PENEGAKAN HUKUM PELANGGARAN HAM BERAT

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-212
Author(s):  
Febriansyah Ramadhan ◽  
Xavier Nugraha ◽  
Patricia Inge Felany

This article discusses the problems encountered in the preliminary court proceeding of gross human right violation cases in Indonesia.  Identified are two state institutions, i.e. the National Human Right Commission and the Attorney General, who possess the authority to initiate investigation and subsequent successful prosecution of gross human right violation cases. Good cooperation and relation between these two agencies is therefore a must.  This article looks into the problems encountered by these two institutions in doing the preliminary process and discusses possible redistribution of these two state agency authorities. To do this a doctrinal approach will be used.

Author(s):  
I Gusti Ayu Eviani Yuliantari

This paper takes the title: "Legal Standing of the Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) in Case Dispute Authority of State Institutions in the Mahkamah Konstitusi". The research in this paper addresses two problems that are associated with the KPK as a state institution in the UUD NRI 1945 and the legal standing of the KPK, which can be a Party to the Dispute Authority of State Institutions in the Mahkamah Konstitusi by the UUD NRI 1945. The method used in this research is normative legal research, because this research seeks to discuss or review the legal norm in this case the norms of legislation to determine the synchronization either vertically or horizontally. This thesis explains that the KPK is a state agency whose authority is not clearly regulated by the UUD NRI 1945. Therefore, the KPK does not have legal standing as an applicant or respondent in a lawsuit filed in the Mahkamah Konstitusi relating to dispute the authority of state institutions because the authority is the Commission does not expressly provided in UUD NRI Tahun 1945 but by law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-150
Author(s):  
Wina Puspita Sari ◽  
Casa Bilqis Savitri

The 16 Days Against Women Violence Campaign is a campaign to encourage liberation struggles against women throughout the world. As a national human right in Indonesia. This campaign has been carried out since 2003 and is routinely carried out every period with a 16-day campaign set in November. Problems in the 16-Day Campaign Against Violence Against Women, this campaign has been running for 15 years, but this is not directly proportional to the protected numbers against women has increased over the past three years. The main theory in this research is campaign theory using Nowak & Warneryd's campaign model. The method used is a descriptive qualitative research method that looks for facts with the right interpretation. Descriptive research on problems in society, views, and processes - ongoing parts and effects of phenomena. Komnas Perempuan is still too broad in setting its campaign targets, as well as a lot of messages to be conveyed. the extent of challenging the campaign audience makes KOMNAS Perempuan against barriers ranging from language and culture, there is a GAP about knowledge of challenges, to obstacles in choosing what campaign techniques to use. In the 16 Days Anti Violence against Women campaign, KOMNAS Perempuan chose to generalize the message to be conveyed, accepting their own challenges, which made the objectives of the 16 Days Anti Violence Against Women Campaign unsuccessful. Keywords:  Campaign, KOMNAS Perempuan, Violence


Author(s):  
Sonia Cardenas

The modern state’s role vis-à-vis human rights has always been ambiguous. States are the basic guarantors of human rights protections, just as they can be brutal violators of human rights. This basic tension is rooted in the very notion of statehood, and it pervades much of the literature on human rights. As the central organizing principle in international relations, state sovereignty would seem to be antithetical to human rights. Sovereignty, after all, is ultimately about having the last word; it is virtually synonymous with the principle of territorial non-interference. Meanwhile, humanitarian intervention would at first glance seem to be a contravention of state sovereignty. Yet not all observers interpret human rights pressures as a challenge to state sovereignty. Modern states can be highly adaptive, no less so when confronted with human rights demands. One of the principal, if overlooked, ways in which states have adapted to rising global human rights pressures is by creating new institutions. This is reflected in the formation of national human rights institutions (NHRIs): permanent state bodies created to promote and protect human rights domestically. These state institutions are remarkable due to their rapid and widespread proliferation around the world, the extent to which they sometimes represent a strategy of appeasement but nonetheless can be consequential, and their potential for domesticating international human rights standards.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Nikiforova ◽  

The aim of the study is to research the correspondence and difference of ancient Greek authors FREEDOM conception. The subject of the article is the investigation of freedom category interpretation by ancient Greek writers. The object of the study is the works of ancient Greek writers, poets, philosophers, concerned with major issues of freedom conception. The academic novelty of the investigation is as follows: the most significant definitions of FREEDOM by ancient Greek authors were researched and recapped. It was examined that humans’ freedom and their cognitive activity are the significant issues of the conception determination of freedom. The term FREEDOM is different for every person that is why we cannot insist categorically that one idea is right and the other is wrong. In this case the idea of freedom disappears. Some philosophers consider that initially no Greek word ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΑ, no Latin LIBERTAS didn’t have philosophical meanings. Ancient Greeks believed that destiny, fate, necessity run humans. The idea of Freedom emerged in Ancient Greece. The ancient Greeks were first, who began to consider the issue of freedom both in the political and philosophic senses of the word. They tried to create the first state institutions defended human freedom. This concept had a lot of meanings in ancient times: the domination of intellect over emotions, conscience control, responsibility for actions, independency, and privilege for life, right to manipulate slaves. The idea of “being free” appeared much earlier than the conception of “freedom”. According to Homer to be free for person means to have an opportunity to live on your dear land. Particularly in Homer’s poems we are able to find the generation of the human right choice idea. Herodotus was the first scientist who formed the social meaning of the word FREEDOM. The definition of FREEDOM as philosophical term was used by sophists for the first time ever. According to Socrates FREEDOM is a self-control, physical instincts control. Plato in his turn considers that humans have a right of choice, but their freedom is not absolute. The analysis of the philosophical views and approaches concerning freedom conception in antiquity is conducted to prove that that freedom was the most significant value of ancient world. Ancient philosophers emphasized the polis freedom, internal and external freedom (stoics), freedom as self-control (Socrates), freedom as material independency (Plato), freedom as permissiveness (cynics), freedom as capacity for good. Ancient Greek and Modern Greek lexicographical sources show both analogies and differences of language objectification of FREEDOM conception. We consider appropriate to analyze these analogies and differences of various discourse’s types as the further prospective of this theme investigation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abu Tamrin

Abstract: Amendment of the Constitution and constitutional reform in Indonesia. The Constitution can be two meanings, namely: a broad sense and narrow sense. Meaning constitution means forming. Constitutional expert in Constitutional Law contains basic law is written. Act of 1945 is a formal document which is the result of political struggle in the past. In the era of the New Order Act of 1945 "sacred" so that the People's Consultative Assembly of Indonesia in the New Order era did not alter the Constitution of 1945. In the reform era to amend the Act of 1945. There was a change of articles of Law 1945. One only Article 1 (2) the first amendment of the Constitution of 1945. Sovereignty is in the people's hands and performed in accordance with the Constitution. There is a state agency that was formed, one of which the Constitutional Court and no state institutions were removed, the Supreme Advisory Council. With the change of the Constitution of 1945, then there was a constitutional reform in Indonesia Abstrak: Perubahan Konstitusi dan Reformasi Ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Menurut K.C. Wheare kata konstitusi dapat menjadi 2 arti yaitu: arti luas dan arti sempit. Menurut Wirjono Projodikoro arti konstitusi berarti membentuk. Baik konstitusi maupun Undang-undang Dasar menurut Pakar Hukum Tata Negara berisi Hukum dasar tertulis. Konstitusi/Undang-undang Dasar 1945 merupakan dokumen formal yang merupakan hasil perjuangan politik bangsa di waktu lampau. Di era orde baru Undang-undang Dasar 1945 “disakralkan” sehingga Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat RI di era orde baru tidak mengubah Undangundang Dasar 1945. Di era reformasi dilakukan perubahan Undang-undang Dasar 1945. Ada perubahan pasal Undang-undang Dasar 1945. Salah satunya Pasal 1 ayat (2) perubahan pertama Undang-undang Dasar 1945.Kedaulatan ada di tangan rakyat dan dilakukan menurut Undang-undang Dasar. Ada lembaga negara yang dibentuk, salah satunya Mahkamah Konstitusi RI dan ada lembaga tinggi negara yang dihapus, yaitu Dewan Pertimbangan Agung RI.Dengan adanya perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, maka terjadi reformasi ketatanegaraan Indonesia. DOI: 10.15408/jch.v2i1.1843


Author(s):  
Dominikus Dalu Sogen ◽  
Dewa Ayu Putri Asvini ◽  
Detty Kristiana Widayat

Studying the philosophy of law means studying various schools of law. Amongst the variety of legal theories, there are adherents of legal positivism or the positive legal theory postulated by John Austin (a philosopher whose thoughts on law are outlined in a work entitled The Province of Jurisprudence Determined 1832). Are Austin's thoughts still relevant for the practice of law inthe modern era, considering that law is made for the public interest? Is it appropriate for the law to be made by authorities (superior) to bind subordinates (inferior), whereas the people are only in a position to obey the law? In a functioning democracy public participation is important in decision-making by the elected legislators. Presumably, law is not made arbitrarily or unilaterally, but it is supposed to take into account the interest of the public or the interest of the groups it is designed to address. A prominent example currently in the public spotlight isthe dismissal of 57 Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) employees due to their stated ineligibility following their failure to pass the National Insight Test Assessment. For this matter, a judicial review (JR) has been requested from the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court who in the meantime have published their decisions. In addition, there have been recommendations from the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and the Indonesian Ombudsman regarding the occurrence of human rights violations and maladministration in the transfer of KPK employees to ASN. Where JR's decision by the two judicial institutions is different from what is recommended by Human Right Commission and the Indonesian Ombudsman. Here it can be seen that there are differences in the application of the law with the positive law that applies and is detrimental to the rights of KPK employees.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Tri Mulyani

<p>Negara Indonesia adalah Negara hukum, artinya bahwa negara yang menempatkan hukum sebagai dasar kekuasaan negara dan penyelenggaraan kekuasaan tersebut dalam segala bentuknya dilakukan di bawah kekuasaan hukum. Sifat dari negara hukum hanya dapat ditunjukkan apabila alat-alat perlengkapan negara yaitu lembaga-lembaga negara bertindak menurut dan terikat kepada aturan-aturan yang telah ditetapkan. Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang nama, fungsi dan kewenanganya dibentuk berdasarkan Konstitusi atau Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 yaitu: Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan. Sehubungan dengan dasar pembentukan Lembaga Tinggi Negara adalah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, dan telah mengalami amandemen 4 kali maka struktur dan hubungan mereka dalam menjalakan tugas pemerintahan dari sebelum dan sesudah amandemen tentunya juga mengalami perubahan. Dengan pendekatan <em>yuridis normatif</em>, dan uraian yang diskriptif analisis, ditemukan jawaban bahwa struktur lembaga negara beserta hubungan diantara lembaga negara telah mengalami pergeseran setelah dilakukan amandemen. Pada dasarnya hubungan diantara lembaga negara tidak banyak mengalami perubahan. Namun perubahan itu justru tampak dalam struktur lembaga negaranya. Sebelum amandemen struktur lembaga negara terdiri dari MPR sebagai lembaga tertinggi, Presiden, DPR, DPA, BPK dan MA. Namun setelah dilakukan amandemen lembaga negara berkembang yaitu MPR, DPR, DPD, Presiden, MA, MK, dan BPK. Perbedaanya ada dipoint pengapusan istilah lembaga tertinggi, sehingga semua menjadi lembaga tinggi negara.</p><p> </p><p class="Default"><em>Indonesia is a country of law, meaning that the country as the law is the basis of state power and the implementation of the power in all its forms is done under the rule of law. The nature of the state law can only be shown if the scientific equipment is state state institutions and bound to act according to the rules that have been set. State Agency referred to in this research is the State Agency name, function and an arbitrary set up under the Constitution or the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, namely: President and Vice-President, People's Consultative Assembly, the House of Representatives, Regional Representatives Council, The Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Audit Agency. In connection with establishing the State Agency is the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, and has undergone amendments 4 times the structures and their relationship to run the task of the government before and after the amendment would also change. With normative juridical approach, and a description of the descriptive analysis, found the answer that the structure of state institutions as well as the relationship between the state institutions have experienced a shift after the amendment. Basically the relationship between the state institutions has not changed much. But it is precisely looked into the institutional structure of the country. Prior to the amendment of the structure of state institutions consist of the Assembly as the highest institution, President, Parliament, DPA, BPK and MA. However, after the amendment of the developing state institutions, namely the MPR, DPR, DPD, President, Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, and the CPC. No difference dipoint term elimination highest institution, so all became state institutions. </em></p><p class="Default"><em> </em></p>


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