scholarly journals 疫情與倫理價值——兼評范瑞平教授的<大疫當前: 訴諸儒家文明的倫理資源>

Author(s):  
Chenyang LI

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.While largely agreeing with Ruiping Fan, Chenyang Li makes three points regarding the handling of COVID-19. First, in addition to state capacity, social trust, and leadership, as identified by Francis Fukuyama, factors responsible for successful pandemic responses include the value of individual freedom upheld by citizens. A high level of individual freedom can make it difficult to implement strict measures even when they are objectively necessary. Second, a strong state can be effective in handling a pandemic, but without checks and balances it also runs the risk of leading a country into a major catastrophe. Third, Confucian ethics and other ethics can aid in coping with the pandemic. However, their efficacy is not unlimited, and ultimately, human survival overrides other concerns.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 8 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

Author(s):  
Ellen Y. ZHANG

自2019年年底,新冠肺炎(COVID-19)席捲全球,徹底顛覆人們原有的生活秩序,公眾健康遭受嚴重威脅。面對疫情,除了科學(包括醫學)領域的挑戰,還有人文學科,尤其是醫學和生命倫理學上的挑戰。我們看一個國家能否有效應對疫情,除了美國政治學大師福山(Francis Fukuyama)所説的國家能力(state capacity)、社會信任(social trust)和領導水平(political leadership)這三大要素之外,一個社會的價值取向和倫理思考也是不能忽視的重要環節。本期刊中有四篇文章就尚未結束的疫情,探討疫情防控和公共衛生管理上的倫理問題,其中包括對現代西方倫理學、中國傳統倫理學和基督教倫理的探討。另外兩篇文章不直接涉及疫情,是從其他角度論述倫理議題。


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles T. Call

Agencies throughout the development, humanitarian, political and defence fields have recently endorsed the centrality of state institutions in post-war peacebuilding. But how can external actors go about peacebuilding in a way that reinforces effective and legitimate states without doing harm? Drawing on an International Peace Institute project, this article calls into question the assumption that peacebuilding can be boiled down to building state institutions. The article argues that the process of building states can actually undermine peace, postulating five tensions between peacebuilding and statebuilding even as it asserts that strong state institutions remain crucial for consolidating peace. Identifying three crucial state functions for peacebuilding, the article emphasises the complex interrelationships among legitimacy, state capacity and security in post-conflict societies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
EUNJUNG CHOI ◽  
JONGSEOK WOO

AbstractWhile the importance of social and political trust has been well documented, there is a lack of scholarly consensus over where trust originates. This article tests three theoretical arguments – social-psychological, social-cultural, and political institutional – on the origin of political trust against three East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan). The empirical analysis from the AsiaBarometer survey illustrates that political institutional theory best explains the origin of political trust in East Asian cases. Citizens of these East Asian democracies have a high level of political trust when they believe that their governments perform well in management of the national economy and political representation of elected officials. Meanwhile, social-psychological and social-cultural theories explain the origins of social trust, but not political trust. The evidence reveals that socially trusting people are not automatically politically trusting; social trust and political trust originate from different sources and do not transform from one to the other.


Author(s):  
Jie BAI

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.近年來得益於女性地位的提升與名人效應,單身女性凍卵問題日趨成為社會輿論關注的焦點,由此也引發了法學界對單身女性生育權的討論。然而,單身女性凍卵不僅僅是一個法律議題,更是一個倫理問題。不僅法律和法規的制定和修訂中多有涉及對倫理的關照,凍卵的臨床實踐中也廣泛存在對倫理的考量。在結婚率和生育率持續走低當下社會,相當一部分單身 女性選擇凍卵的動機是希望脱離婚姻而進行自主的生育行 為。值得深思的是,東亞的儒教國家對輔助生殖的使用限制最為嚴格、政策最為保守。本文試圖通過分析儒家會如何看待脱離婚姻的生育行為,來探討儒學倫理對單身女性凍卵抱有怎麽樣的態度、能夠帶來怎麽的啟示。本文認為,儘管在法律維度上應該肯定單身女性擁有生育權,但在倫理層面上,脱離婚姻的生育行為應該極為審慎,因為其有違儒家倫理中對家庭秩序的看重,同時也讓“雙親撫育”難以得到實現。In recent years, thanks to the promotion of the status of women and the celebrity effect, the issue of the frozen eggs of single women has become a focus of public opinion, leading to discussion of the reproductive rights of single women in the legal arena. However, single women's frozen eggs are also an ethical issue. The laws and regulations not only involve ethics, but also ethical considerations in the clinical practice of frozen eggs. In today's society, in which the marriage rate and fertility rate continue to decline, many single women choose to freeze their eggs to distinguish between reproductive activities and marriage. It is worth thinking about the fact that Confucian East Asia has the strictest restrictions and most conservative policy on the use of assisted reproduction. This paper explores how Confucian ethics have a different position on single women’s frozen eggs by analyzing how Confucianism views fertility behaviors that are separated from marriage. It argues that although it is certain that a single woman has the right to give birth in the legal dimension, ethically, the procreative behavior of marriage should be taken with caution, as it violates the Confucian ethic of the family order by making parental care more difficult.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 45 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Author(s):  
Emzar Makaradze

There can be no peace without democratization and intercultural dialogue, which due to their importance lead to the ultimate result of what is called the union of civilizations among nations. In this regard, it is interesting to consider the issues of democratization and intercultural dialogue in Turkey in 21st century.In order to reach a high level of democratic development, any state needs a strong society and political will. At the beginning of the 20th century, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881-1938), the founder of the Turkish Republic, took the course of state development of the country to the West and declared the path of Europeanization as the main principle of unchanging domestic and foreign policy.The current events in Turkey in the first decade of 21st century have shown that the country is developing as a strong state. So, it is interesting to observe how the Republican Turkey will continue to pursue democratic and European values and to support the state rule of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.For Turkey and its leader, Islam is a tool that helps to stabilize the political system and transform Turkey into a traditional, conservative society with fewer opportunities to generate protests related to social, ethnic and other civil rights.The coming decades will show whether the country with a Muslim culture will be able to adapt to a democratic Western civilization and what the consequences will be.


Author(s):  
George Gerapetritis

The chapter focuses on the Greek parliamentary system in a comparative perspective from a constitutional and political viewpoint. Main concerns are the constitutional doctrine of checks and balances, the level of parliamentary accountability and scrutiny, and the quality of the legislative process. The first section examines the Hellenic parliament within the constitutional architecture. Two key features are identified: the wide privilege and immunities enjoyed by the parliament, both as a constitutional agency and individually by parliamentarians; and the interpolarity of the parliament vis-à-vis the executive, the president of the republic, the judiciary, and international organizations. The second section examines parliament within political practice. Three key characteristics are identified thereof: majoritarian and divisive parliamentarism, clientelism and nepotism, and imbalanced parliamentarism. The chapter concludes that parliamentarism in Greece deteriorated, especially during the financial crisis, thus producing legal confusion and polynomy, a high level of party discipline and extreme accumulation of power to the executive, a very limited level of accountability and meritocracy, and the rise of extremist and populist parties in parliament.


Author(s):  
Yu CAI

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文首先探討了儒家的“誠”與作為人之本性的“仁”之間的關係,指出“誠”是“仁”的前提與基礎。筆者認為“誠”賦予“仁”三個基本特徵:“真摯性”、“無外在目的性”和“客觀性”。這三個特徵都與儒家家庭和家庭成員間的“親親之愛”緊密聯繫。其後,本文提出儒家排斥“鄉願”式的器官捐獻。同時,文章指出,由於“誠”的要求,儒家認為對家庭成員的“親親之愛”應該是對非家庭成員的仁愛的前提、基礎和不可或缺的必要條件。因而,個人捐獻原則是與“誠”的價值觀存在一定的矛盾,而家庭捐獻原則才是符合儒家倫理的。最後,本文對人體器官的家庭捐獻原則進行了制度設計。Organ donation is the gift of an organ to help someone who needs a transplant to survive. Yet with limited organs available, the following question arises. Who should be given priority in terms of donation procedures—the individual who has personally committed to offer his/her organs to anyone in need, or the legal next of kin, i.e., family members? This essay approaches this question with reference to the Confucian ethics of sincerity (cheng), which is viewed as a precondition for the ethics of humanness (ren), arguing that family members should be given priority in decisions on organ donation. The author recommends that a policy of family consent for organ donation be implemented, as such a policy would reflect the significant role that family should play in making decisions on critical issues such as organ donation. The essay concludes that rather than emphasizing the right of individuals to decide what will happen after they die, a policy of family involvement would encourage more people to become donors and avoid conflict in cases of disagreement between donors and family members.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 75 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Tavakkol ◽  
Seyyed Mohammad Ali Mousavi

Introduction: Health is considered of utmost importance and can be assessed from various aspects. The social health assessment can be a good basis for planning to improve the general health of the target community. The present study was conducted to investigate the social health of Lamerd residents, a small town in Fars Province. Methods: The present study is descriptive and uses a researcher-made questionnaire as the instrument. The research population of the study is 60319 Lamerd residents over 20 years old in 2016, and a total of 382 people were selected through a cluster and stratified sampling method. To describe social health, central tendency indices, such as mean and the measure dispersion, standard deviation, were used in SPSS version 24. The significance level was set at 0.05. Results: In this study, 382 people were studied. Out of this number, 89 percent were male, and 66 percent were single. Most of the respondents belonged to the 30-35 age bracket. The findings showed that the mean social health (3.03) was at an average level. Among the evaluated dimensions of social health, the economic dimension was favorable (3.09). The social trust component was assessed on the social capital index, showing that the institutional trust was low (2.14). On the contrary, interpersonal trust was at a high level (3.14). The social harms indicator was at a high level (3.07), yet physical and mental health were rated as average and low, respectively. Considering life expectancy, the sampling assumed that the life span of the residents has shortened, and on education and literacy, their responses proved a moderately high tendency towards academic promotion and towards studying technical majors. The environmental condition indicator was also rated as unfavorable, and noise, air, and marine pollution were high. Conclusion: Considering the importance of social health, investigating its different aspects through panel designs can be an appropriate analytical instrument for sociologists, pathologists, and health planners to move from unfavorable conditions to an optimal state.


Author(s):  
Enchang LI ◽  
Yumei XU ◽  
Yue TENG

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.《新世紀的醫師專業精神—醫師宣言》所規定的醫師專業精神的三條原則中,將患者利益放在首位原則和患者自主原則,由於諸多原因而存在著悖論。中國儒家的仁術、德教為先、修身為本、慎獨、推己及人、高度人倫的思想對解決以上悖論有啟發意義:遵循道德形成和醫學技術提高的規律,通過各種學習、強化方法,使醫者真正確立患者利益第一的專業精神和具有精湛的專業技能。從而使醫者成為患者利益的真正代表,能在各種情況下有效保護患者的利益。As a dominant cultural tradition in China, Confucianism has greatly inf luenced the Chinese medical ethics. From the view point of Confucian ethics, medicine is the“ art of benevolence” (renshu ). For a Confucian, Confucianism and medicine share the same principle. The concept of patients-first is deeply rooted in the Confucian ethical system in which the“ virtue of a doctor” (yide ) is a primary concern in medical professionalism. This paper f irst discusses the major three principles of professionalism presented by“ The Declaration of Medical Professionalism in the New Century,” and attempts to deal with the limitations of the Declaration by introducing Confucianism with respect to healthcare professionals and a doctor-patient relationship.The paper explains that the Confucian principle of care for others determines that Confucians take human relationship very seriously in their dealing with the health issue, since they understand that a person’s health is deeply affected by, and in turnaffects, other people. Therefore, the rule of individual autonomy as well as individual right emphasized in the West should not be taken as the only legitimate one in dealing with medical issues. More importantly, that the Confucian physician considers medical practice as benevolent action and thus it is more than medical professionalism.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 89 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


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