scholarly journals ”Et ees rintamalle uskaltanu!”

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Laura Seppälä

Uusisänmaallinen käänne on lähihistorian tutkimuksessa tunnistettu ilmiö, joka viittaa Neuvostoliiton kaatumista seuranneisiin toisen maailmansodan muistokulttuurien muutoksiin Suomessa. Uusisänmaallisissa tulkinnoissa korostuvat näkemykset Suomen erillissodista ja torjuntavoitosta sekä tarinat sankaruudesta, uhrauksesta, kansallisesta solidaarisuudesta ja kunniakkuudesta. Sodan populaarikulttuurisilla esityksillä on nähty olevan keskeinen rooli näiden näkökulmien tuottajina: esimerkiksi 1990-luvun lopun ja 2000-luvun niin kutsuttua ”sotaelokuvabuumia” on tulkittu uusisänmaallisuuden viitekehyksessä. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen uusisänmaallisuutta historiantutkimuksen sijasta elokuvatutkimuksen näkökulmasta. Otan tarkastelun kohteeksi vuonna 2011 ensi-iltaan tulleen elokuvan Hiljaisuus, jossa sota koetaan rintaman sijasta kaatuneiden evakuointikeskuksessa. Kysyn, minkälaisia historiallisia representaatioita Hiljaisuudessa tuotetaan? Millä elokuvan keinoilla näitä representaatioita rakennetaan? Keskityn analyysissäni elokuvan henkilöhahmojen rakentumiseen, sillä uusisänmaallisina pidetyt arvot ja ideaalit sankaruudesta, uhrauksesta ja kunniakkuudesta henkilöityvät sotanarratiiveissa sodan kokeviin ihmisiin. Hyödynnän elokuvan lähiluvun työkaluna elokuvatutkija Murray Smithin kehittämää, kognitiivista elokuvatutkimusta edustavaa sympatian struktuurit (structures of sympathy) -analyysimallia, joka koskee elokuvan henkilöhahmojen ja katsojan välistä suhdetta ja tämän suhteen merkitystä katsojan potentiaalisille tunnereaktioille. Analyysini osoittaa, että Hiljaisuus paikoittain haastaa uusisänmaallisia käsityksiä sodasta, mutta myös tuottaa uusisänmaalliseksi tulkittavia representaatioita suomalaisuudesta erityisesti elokuvan päähenkilöiden kautta: elokuva kannustaa katsojaa kokemaan sympatiaa niitä hahmoja kohtaan, joiden toimintaa ja ominaisuuksia määrittävät uusisänmaallisuudelle keskeiset arvot ja toimintamallit, ja sitä vastoin antipatiaa niitä hahmoja kohtaan, jotka eivät tähän uusisänmaalliseen malliin sovi.   “You weren’t even brave enough to fight!”: Neo-patriotic representations of World War II in Silence   The neo-patriotic turn refers to the changes occurring in Finnish memory culture of war after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Neo-patriotic interpretations of World War II construct and uphold notions of separate wars and defense victories as well as place strong emphasis on stories depicting war as a source of heroism, sacrifice, integrity, and national solidarity. Representations of war in fiction and popular culture have been considered to play a central role in producing such stories: the so-called Finnish “war film boom” in the late-1990s and 2000s has been seen as an example of neo-patriotic changes. In this article, I examine neo-patriotic representations in the context of film analysis rather than in the framework of historical research. I analyze the 2011 film Silence, in which war is experienced in an evacuation center for the fallen instead of in the battlefield. I ask, what kind of historical representations are produced in Silence? How are they produced? The analysis focuses on the construction of the main characters in the film, as the values and ideals considered neo-patriotic are embodied by the people experiencing war in fictional narratives. I utilize an analytical model developed by film researcher Murray Smith. Smith’s structures of sympathy is based on cognitive film theory and provides tools for examining the relationship between the characters and the viewer and how this relationship can affect the viewer’s potential emotional responses. While Silence at times challenges neo-patriotic notions of war, my analysis indicates that the film also constructs representations of Finnishness that can be considered neo-patriotic: the film encourages the viewer to feel sympathy towards the characters who embody neo-patriotic ideals and values, and antipathy towards the characters who deviate from these ideals.

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 317
Author(s):  
Nina N. Loginova ◽  
Milan M. Radovanović ◽  
Anatoliy A. Yamashkin ◽  
Goran Vasin ◽  
Marko D. Petrović ◽  
...  

Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.   


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-63
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Emil Dwi Febrian

This article examines history collapse of the Soviet Union with Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah theory. The Soviet Union was first communist nation founded in 1922 after fall of the Russian-Monarchy due to the crisis and saparatist movement in 1917. Post World War II, the Soviet Union became a center of the communist movement around the world, and advanced in industrial sector, known as a superpower nation in the 20th century beside the United States. However, the Soviet Union was declared collapsed in 1991. This article found that Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah can explain history of the Soviet Union in three stages of state metamorphosis; formation, glory, and collapse. Ashabiyah means a bond that unites the people, but it can be positive and negative. Analysis with negative ashabiyah, concluded that the collapse of Marxism-Leninism in Soviet Union was due to the denial of this philosophical teaching to create the privileges of the Communist Party became an authoritarian regime, and considered irrelevant and opposed by society. Authoritarianism happaned because of exclusivism and cult, and could occur in non-communist nations, including Indonesia in the New Order era, this shows that it is not ideology that created of authoritarian regimes, but political practices in specific nations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110416
Author(s):  
Vitali Shkliarov ◽  
Vera Mironova ◽  
Sam Whitt

Our research considers the relationship between historical memory and political evaluations of the past and present. We first examine how historical reflection on the Soviet Union under Stalin is influenced by memories of familial suffering during World War II and victimization under the widespread Soviet gulag prison system. Based on a 2019 representative survey of Ukraine, we show that respondents who recall family members being injured or killed fighting during World War II and those who recount families being imprisoned in Soviet gulags have increased positive and negative appraisals of the Soviet Union under Stalin respectively. However, we also find that favorable opinions of Stalin are strongly predicted by approval of Vladimir Putin, who has actively promoted rehabilitation of Stalin’s legacy to bolster personalist rule at home and justify revisionist agendas abroad, including in Ukraine. Our results underscore interactions between the present and past in shaping historical memory such that what appears as enduring legacies of the past could also be a function of present political circumstances.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-702
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

In 1946, the entertainer and activist Paul Robeson pondered America's intentions in Iran. In what was to become one of the first major crises of the Cold War, Iran was fighting a Soviet aggressor that did not want to leave. Robeson posed the question, “Is our State Department concerned with protecting the rights of Iran and the welfare of the Iranian people, or is it concerned with protecting Anglo-American oil in that country and the Middle East in general?” This was a loaded question. The US was pressuring the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops after its occupation of the country during World War II. Robeson wondered why America cared so much about Soviet forces in Iranian territory, when it made no mention of Anglo-American troops “in countries far removed from the United States or Great Britain.” An editorial writer for a Black journal in St. Louis posed a different variant of the question: Why did the American secretary of state, James F. Byrnes, concern himself with elections in Iran, Arabia or Azerbaijan and yet not “interfere in his home state, South Carolina, which has not had a free election since Reconstruction?”


Author(s):  
Vēsma Lēvalde

The article is a cultural-historical study and a part of the project Uniting History, which aims to discover the multicultural aspect of performing art in pre-war Liepaja and summarize key facts about the history of the Liepāja Symphony Orchestra. The study also seeks to identify the performing artists whose life was associated with Liepāja and who were repressed between 1941 and 1945, because of aggression by both the Soviet Union and National Socialist Germany. Until now, the cultural life of this period in Liepāja has been studied in a fragmentary way, and materials are scattered in various archives. There are inaccurate and even contradictory testimonies of events of that time. The study marks both the cultural and historical situation of the 1920s and the 1930s in Liepāja and tracks the fates of several artists in the period between 1939 and 1945. On the eve of World War II, Liepāja has an active cultural life, especially in theatre and music. Liepāja City Drama and Opera is in operation staging both dramatic performances, operas, and ballet, employing an orchestra. The symphony orchestra also operated at the Liepāja Philharmonic, where musicians were recruited every season according to the principles of contemporary festival orchestras. Liepāja Folk Conservatory (music school) had also formed an orchestra of students and teachers. Guest concerts were held regularly. A characteristic feature of performing arts in Liepaja was its multicultural character – musicians of different nationalities with experience from different schools of the world were encountered there. World War II not only disrupted the balance in society, but it also had a very concrete and tragic impact on the fates of the people, including the performing artists. Many were killed, many repressed and placed in prisons and camps, and many went to exile to the West. Others were forced to either co-operate with the occupation forces or give up their identity and, consequently, their career as an artist. Nevertheless, some artists risked their lives to save others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 152 ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Uta G. Lagvilava ◽  

A few months after the fascist Germany’s attack on the USSR, under harsh wartime conditions, at the end of 1941 military industry of the Soviet Union began to produce such a quantity of military equipment that subsequently was providing not only replenishment of losses, but also improvement of technical equipment of the Red Army forces . Successful production of military equipment during World War II became one of the main factors in the victory over fascism. One of the unlit pages in affairs of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) is displacement and evacuation of a huge number of enterprises and people to the east, beyond the Urals, which were occupied by German troops at the beginning of the war in the summer of 1941. All this was done according to the plans developed with direct participation of NKVD, which united before the beginning and during the war departments now called the Ministry of Internal Affairs, FSB, SVR, the Russian Guard, Ministry of Emergency Situations, FAPSI and several smaller ones. And all these NKVD structures during the war were headed by Lavrenty Pavlovich Beria.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Boris Martynov

The article deals with the evolution of views of the Brazilian authors on the role, played by the Soviet Union in the WWII and its contribution to the victory of the anti-Hitlerian coalition. It contains a historiographical review of the works, written by the Brazilian authors on the theme, beginning from 2004. One follows the process of their growing interest towards clarifying the real contribution of the Soviet part to the common victory, along with the rise of the international authority of Brazil and strengthening of the Russo – Brazilian ties. One reveals the modern attitude of Brazilian authors towards such dubious or scarcely known themes as the Molotov – Ribbentrop pact, the battles for Smolensk and Rhzev, town–bound fights in Stalingrad, liberation of the Baltic republics, the Soviet war with Japan, etc. The author comes to conclusion, that in spite of the Western efforts to infuse the people`s conscience with the elements of the “post – truth” in this respect, the correct treatment of those events acquires priority even in such a far off from Russia state, as Brazil.


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