scholarly journals Violación del derecho a la consulta indígena: siembra de soya transgénica en comunidades mayas del estado de Campeche, México / Violation of the indigenous rights to be consulted: transgenic soy bean sowing in Mayan communities from the state of Campeche, Mexico

Author(s):  
Eduardo Negrín Muñoz
Keyword(s):  

En el año 2012, fue autorizada la siembra de soya genéticamente modificada a escala comercial en comunidades mayas del Estado de Campeche, México. A este hecho se opusieron organizaciones indígenas mediante la vía legal -amparo-, obteniendo, luego de tres años, un fallo favorable de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, pero aún no definitivo, ya que la máxima instancia condicionó la siembra de soya genéticamente modificada  a la realización de una consulta en las comunidades afectadas.Las primeras convocatorias de dicha consulta se realizaron desde el 31 de marzo de 2016.De acuerdo con el protocolo presentado por las autoridades encargadas de la organización y puesta en marcha del proceso de consulta, el mismo constará de cinco fases. Hasta el 23 de septiembre de 2017, se han realizado cinco sesiones que corresponden apenas a la primera fase del proceso de la consulta, que es la de acuerdos previos.Debido a que esta figura de la consulta es relativamente nueva en México, y a la marcada y tradicional relación asimétrica que existe entre autoridades oficiales y comunidades indígenas, el proceso al que se hace referencia se ha visto entorpecido debido a que las primeras están acostumbradas a imponer condiciones y las segundas están decididas a defender sus derechos.De esta manera, el tema principal del presente trabajo es mostrar el desarrollo, por demás irregular, de este proceso de consulta.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Cohen ◽  
Emma S. Norman

This article builds on regional environmental governance (REG) scholarship to explore alternatives to conventional transboundary agreements. Specifically, we use two narratives to tell the story of one river variously known as Wimahl, Nich’i-Wàna, or Swah’netk’qhu, and, more recently, the Columbia River. We suggest that the state-led narrative of the signing and implementation of the 1964 Columbia River Treaty has obscured Indigenous narratives of the river—a trend replicated in most scholarship on transboundary environmental agreements more broadly. In exploring these narratives, we: situate the silencing of Indigeneity in the 1964 Columbia River Treaty; highlight the reproduction and amplification of that silence in the relevant literature in the context of strengthened Indigenous rights; and explore what a multilateral—as opposed to binational—approach to environmental agreements might offer practitioners and scholars of REG.


Author(s):  
Iván Tarcicio Narváez Quiñónez

La colonización dirigida, espontánea y estratégica, además de la permanente ampliación de la frontera agrícola para la extracción de recursos naturales, han determinado el uso y zonificación del espacio amazónico en los últimos 50 años. Las drásticas huellas socio-económicos, culturales y ambientales generadas por estos procesos han impactado negativamente la vida de los pueblos ancestrales y la naturaleza. Una consecuencia drástica es el cambio de la comprensión de la territorialidad en el interior de los territorios indígenas, y de la percepción que de aquel cambio tienen el Estado y los actores asentados en el entorno territorial comunitario. El presente estudio aborda el caso del pueblo waorani e inquiere cómo la ampliación de la frontera extractiva intensificaría los impactos negativos del proceso de desterritorialización en el Parque Nacional Yasuní, poniendo en mayor riesgo la integridad física y cultural de los de los pueblos que viven en aislamiento voluntario: Tagaeri y Oñamenane u otros de los cuales no se tiene referencia.   Abstract Targeted, spontaneous and strategic colonization, in addition to the permanent expansion of the agricultural frontier for the extraction of natural resources, has determined the use and zoning of the Amazonian space in the las 50 years. The drastic socioeconomic, cultural and environmental impacts generated by these processes have impated negatively the life of the ancestral peoples and nature. A drastic consequence is the change of the understanding of the territoriality in the interior of the indigenous territories, and the perception that the state and the actors settled in the community territorial environment have of that change. This study addresses the case of the Waorani people and inquires how the expansion of the extractive frontier would intensify the negative impacts of the process of decentralization in the Yasuní National Park, putting at greater risk the physical and cultural integrity of the peoples living in voluntary isolation: Tagaeri and Onamenane or others of which there is no reference.


Author(s):  
Alex Latta

States’ increasing recognition of Indigenous rights in the realm of natural resources has led to a variety of co-management arrangements and other forms of melded authority, evolving over time into increasingly complex governance relationships. This article takes up such relationships within the analytical frame of multilevel governance, seeking lessons from the experiences of Indigenous involvement in water policy in Canada’s Northwest Territories (NWT). It examines the way that effective collaboration in resource governance can emerge within the space of tension between evolving Indigenous rights regimes and the continued sovereignty of the state. At the same time, the analysis raises questions about whether multilevel governance can contribute to meaningful decolonization of relationships between settler states and Indigenous Peoples.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA VELASCO

AbstractIn the 1990s, Colombia decentralised politics and passed multicultural reforms as part of wider strategies to strengthen the state. Multiculturalism produced a complex institutional environment marked by jurisdictional overlap and legal plurality. The literature on Colombia's multiculturalism confirms that violence, indigenous rights abuses and the lack of enabling legislation on indigenous territorial entities limited ethno-political autonomy and instead enhanced the capacity of the state to transform indigenous identity and bureaucratise local decision-making practices. However, some indigenous authorities used the new institutions to take control of communal matters, changing local governments along the way. The better-known case of indigenous self-government is that of the Nasa people in Cauca, characterised by the capture of local institutions to advance ethnic rights. In my study of the Embera Chamí of Karmata Rúa (Antioquia) I argue that they represent an alternative approach centred on institutional embeddedness, or the repetition of ethnic autonomy rules by multiple layers of government.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Håkan Tarras-Wahlberg ◽  
John Southalan

AbstractMining and the permitting process for mineral projects in Sweden has been criticised as inadequately safeguarding the rights of Indigenous reindeer herding Sámi, who hold usufruct rights to more than half the country’s territory. There have been calls for Sweden to ratify the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (ILO 169) and to change its Mineral Law. This paper evaluates the extent of protection of Sámi rights — and not only those engaged in reindeer herding — in Sweden’s minerals permitting process. It also considers the implications if changes were made to align this process with the Indigenous-rights framework. The paper demonstrates that reindeer herding Sámi are, broadly, treated similar to landowners in the mineral projects permitting process. However, there is discrimination when it comes to being able to have a share in the benefits of a project: impacted reindeer herders have no such option whereas landowners do. Also, the permitting processes do not consider social and cultural impacts, nor are there obligations for the state to be sufficiently involved in consultation processes. Addressing the identified shortcomings would require only small changes to the Mineral Law and/or to its application and would be possible with only limited impacts on mining because the sector is not a significant user of land whilst it creates large economic values. However, extending those changes (to give parity between landowners and Sámi rights holders) in other important economic sectors which use more extensive land areas, would entail a considerable transfer of resources and associated power. Furthermore, changing the Mineral Law specifically would mean little in terms of safeguarding the rights of the majority of Sami who do not engage in reindeer herding. This suggests that calls for changes to mineral-related legislation to resolve indigenous land right issues are mis-directed or at least insufficient, and that other type of legislative change is required, fundamentally including resolving how extensive and strong the Sámi’s rights to land should be.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Thom

This paper considers the implications of the powerful "overlapping territories" map produced by the government of Canada in its attempt to refute human rights violations charges brought by Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. The map is at the core of Canada's defense in that it suggests that overlapping indigenous territories negate claims of exclusivity over the land and therefore any kind of obligations the state may have in respect of human or other indigenous rights in those lands. Revealing the limits of cartographic abstractions of indigenous spatialities, as well as the perilous stakes for indigenous peoples when engaging in conventional discourses of territoriality, these issues have broad significance.


Author(s):  
Casey High

This afterword discusses some of the recent events described in this book that have continued to unfold in Ecuador. The most important of these is the arrest and imprisonment of seven Waorani men involved in the latest revenge attack against the Taromenani. Just as Waorani make appeals to the Ecuadorian authorities to respect their autonomy, lawyers and other commentators call for the state to recognize the latest massacre of the Taromenani as a form of “indigenous justice,” arguing that revenge killings are necessary for restoring “equilibrium” in Waorani society. Another contentious issue is the ever-expanding oil frontier in Ecuador that continues to pressurize relations between Waorani people and groups living in voluntary isolation. The author concludes by expressing the hope that national and global attention to environmental conservation and indigenous rights in Amazonia will make the growing public concern about these issues less easily ignored in the future.


2018 ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
José Israel Herrera

Since 1997, the Mexican government has founded in the province of Quintana Roo a traditional style of justice instituted on a previous indigenous Mayan traditional legal system. This article provides a reflection about the way the Mayan justice has been recognized and implemented in the state of Quintana Roo, based on the incorporation of the rights derived from the ILO Convention 169 signed by Mexico in the last century. Mexico possesses and recognizes the Mayan legal system, but with some additions which causes the existence of two different structures the traditional and the new one which coexist in the same social field at the same time.


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