scholarly journals Forhandlinger om verdighet blant kvinner utsatt for partnervold

Author(s):  
Lotte C. Andersen ◽  
Kari Stefansen

Drawing on qualitative interviews, this chapter explores how women who have lived with an abusive male partner talk about themselves in relation to the violence they have experienced. Rather than portraying themselves as weak and passive and therefore blameless ‘ideal victims’, many of the women we interviewed referred to themselves as remarkably strong or resourceful. We interpret these self-representations as part of an ongoing work on the self that these women were engaged in – to uphold their self-identity and social position as viable persons. The self-representations are part of their ongoing respectability work. What strong or resourceful meant had classed meanings, however. Middle-class women more often referred to their investment in self-developing activities – activities that build on and scaffold their middle-class identity and social standing, for instance engaging in overwork and intensive parenting, or starting or graduating from university studies. In contrast, working-class women more often referred to their psychological robustness, and how it had protected them from mental illness, drug abuse or other problems. They talked about being tough and getting on with it without interference from other people. For both groups their respectability work had both positive and negative sides. It protected the women from stigma, but also made it more difficult for others to see that they needed help and to offer support.

2006 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Brooke

A neglected aspect of the perceived “embourgeoisement” of the British working-classes in the 1950s was the representation of a blurring of class difference around questions of sexuality. In different ways, female bodies and sexuality in the postwar period became a means of talking about changing class identity and the modernization of society. In the 1920s and 1930s, the working-class body and working-class sexuality served as counterpoints to largely middle-class ideas of modern femininity and sexuality. Working-class women's inability to control their reproduction was portrayed as one cause of the deprivation experienced by the working classes. In the fifties, by contrast, working-class bodies and sexuality had become signifiers of the modernization of British class society. Working-class women were perceived as being able to control the size of their families. Such control was, with full employment and better housing, a mark of a modern, affluent working class. At the same time, working-class marriage was represented as increasingly incorporating notions of companionability and sexual pleasure previously only seen in middle-class life. “Embourgeoisement” in postwar Britain was thus represented as having a sexual aspect.


1996 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Ellis

This article had several purposes. First, I wanted to highlight the work of Esther Bubley, an American photographer whose documentary work for the Farm Security Administration and the Office of War Information in the early 1940s is largely unknown. Second, I wanted to show how her images complicated and undermined the traditional themes of Depression era photography in the United States, Third, by looking at her images of women, my intention was to reveal how she worked against depictions of femininity during the Depression, and in confrontation with one-dimensional portrayals of women as America entered the Second World Wan In conclusion, I contend that Bubley's images were fundamentally portrayals of working-class femininity represented as being an individual – rather than a symbolic – experience. Most specifically in the images I have examined, Bubley deconstructs an ideological image of female working-class identity which was central to documentary photography in 1930s America. For example, unlike in photographs by Dorothea Lange, Bubley did not portray working-class women as metaphoric sites of passive endurance which would eventually lead to the rejuvenation of American nationalism. Rather, she showed working-class women to be potentially subversive in the ways they defined themselves against the legacy of 1930s photography and in opposition to the ideological impositions of wartime propaganda. As a result, Bubley's images of working-class women waiting in bars for lonely soldiers, or looking for a future beyond the confines of their boarding house existences while remaining outside the middle-class boundaries defined by capitalist consumerism, set out a pictorial foundation for working-class female identity which exists beyond the context in which the photographs were taken. Consequently, Bubley's work highlights individual self-identity, personal empowerment and self-conscious desire in working-class women which was – and still is – confined and repressed by economic disadvantage and systematic marginalization from an American society defined from a middle-class point of view.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Damaske

Drawing on data from 100 qualitative interviews with the recently unemployed, this study examines how participants made decisions about attempting to return to work and identifies how class and gender shape these decisions. Middle-class men were most likely to take time to attempt to return to work, middle-class women were most likely to begin a deliberate job search, working-class men were most likely to report an urgent search, and working-class women were most likely to have diverted searches. Financial resources, gendered labor force attachments, and family responsibilities shaped decision making. Ultimately, those in the middle-class appear doubly advantaged—both in their financial capabilities and in their ability to respond to the crisis with greater gender flexibility.


2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 245-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Furnham ◽  
Thomas Li-Ping Tang ◽  
David Lester ◽  
Rory O'Connor ◽  
Robert Montgomery

A total of 253 British and 318 American students were asked to make various estimates of overall intelligence as well as Gardner's (1999a) new list of 10 multiple intelligences. They made these estimations (11 in all) for themselves, their partner, and for various well-known figures such as Prince Charles, Tony Blair, Bill Gates, and Bill Clinton. Following previous research there were various sex and nationality differences in self-estimated IQ: Males rated themselves higher on verbal, logical, spatial, and spiritual IQ compared to females. Females rated their male partner as having lower verbal and spiritual, but higher spatial IQ than was the case when males rated their female partners. Participants considered Bill Clinton (2 points) and Prince Charles (5 points) less intelligent than themselves, but Tony Blair (5 points) and Bill Gates (15 points) more intelligent than themselves. Multiple regressions indicated that the best predictors of one's overall IQ estimates were logical, verbal, existential, and spatial IQ. Factor analysis of the 10 and then 8 self-estimated scores did not confirm Gardner's classification of multiple intelligences. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.


Hypatia ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-125
Author(s):  
Margaret A. McLaren

Author(s):  
Sunil Bhatia

This chapter analyzes how call center workers, who are mostly middle- and working-class youth, create narratives that are described as expressing modern forms of “individualized Indianness.” The chapter demonstrates how call center workers produce narratives of individualized Indianness by engaging in practices of mimicry, accent training, and consumption; by going to public spaces such as bars and pubs; and by having romantic relationships that are largely hidden from their families. The narratives examined in this chapter are created out of an asymmetrical context of power as young Indians work as “subjects” of a global economy who primarily serve “First World” customers. The interviews with Indian youth reflect how tradition and modernity, mimicry and authenticity, collude with each other to dialogically create new middle-class subjectivities.


Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 003803852098222
Author(s):  
Sam Friedman ◽  
Dave O’Brien ◽  
Ian McDonald

Why do people from privileged class backgrounds often misidentify their origins as working class? We address this question by drawing on 175 interviews with those working in professional and managerial occupations, 36 of whom are from middle-class backgrounds but identify as working class or long-range upwardly mobile. Our findings indicate that this misidentification is rooted in a self-understanding built on particular ‘origin stories’ which act to downplay interviewees’ own, fairly privileged, upbringings and instead forge affinities to working-class extended family histories. Yet while this ‘intergenerational self’ partially reflects the lived experience of multigenerational upward mobility, it also acts – we argue – as a means of deflecting and obscuring class privilege. By positioning themselves as ascending from humble origins, we show how these interviewees are able to tell an upward story of career success ‘against the odds’ that simultaneously casts their progression as unusually meritocratically legitimate while erasing the structural privileges that have shaped key moments in their trajectory.


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